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t^ostep and Statistical {Record 



-OF- 



COMPANY ID, 



-OF THE- 



EleVentli I Regimenli I Maine | InfantfiJ tlfolunfsee?^. 



WITH A SKETCH OF ITS SERVICES 



-IN THE- 



WRf? OF THE f?EBEliliIOH. 



^IBEF.A.iaEI3 B^S" 



ALBERT MAXFIELD AND ROBERT BRADY, jR. 



" Far from over the distance, 
The faltering echoes come : 

Of the flying blast of bugle 

And the rattling roll of drum. 



-#^^ ISQO.--^^ 



9928 

In offering this Sketch, Roster and Statistical Record of the 
services of Company D in the War of the Rebellion, to its members, we 
zvish to acknoivledge the kind assistance given i7i its preparation by the 
men of D and of the Eleveyith ; also of that give?i by citizen friends in 
Maiiie, in tracing the fate of members of the Compa?iy who have 
wandered out of vieiv iii the twenty -five years that have passed since 
they were rmistered out ; and to acknowledge that of Captain Thomas 
Clark of the Office of the Adjiitant-General of Maine, he having kindly 
furnished us with valuable and necessary information. 

In reading the Sketch, members of D will kindly remember that 
it is written from one poiiit of view only, and that many things they 
zvould like to see in it that are not there, may not have bee^i sufficiently 
well remembered by the writer, if he ever knew them, to cjiable him to 
set them down in a trustworthy mamier, and, too, that the limitations 
of space a7id the iinity of the sketch made it necessary for him to leave 
out many things that he himself would have been glad to have 
incorporated in the story he had to tell. 

The Roster attd Statistical Record is as complete as it has seemed 
possible to make it. That there are blanks ivhere there should be 
information is not at all the fault of the compiler, he having sought 
diligently but unsuccessfully for the informatioii the blank spaces should 
furnish. 

ALBERT MAXFIELD, 
ROBERT BRADY, fr. 

LSlI 
5 



llti^i 



1898 



COMPANY D, 



-OP THE — 



ELEVENTH REGINlENTr IVIAINE INKANXRY 

VOLUNTEERS, 

IN THE 

Wflf^ OF THE I^EBEliLiION. 



This Company was formed in the early Fall of 1861. Its members were 
chiefly from the towns of the upper Penobscot, from I^ee, Springfield, Topsfield, 
Enfield, Prentiss, and contiguous towns; a few from other parts of the State 
signing the Company rolls at Augusta. 

According to its first descriptive list, much the greater number of the original 
members of D were farmers by occupation at the time of their enlistment, and 
most of them were young men of from eighteen to twenty-four years of age. And 
according to the same authority, its voluntary organization consisted of Leonard S. 
Harvey, Captain; John D. Stan wood. First Lieutenant; Gibson S. Budge, Second 
Lieutenant ; Robert Brady, First Sergeant ; with Abner F. Bassett, Jas. W. Noyes, 
Judson L. Young and Francis M. Johnson as Sergeants ; John McDonald, Richard 
W. Dawe, Ephraim Francis, Hughey G. Rideout, John Sherman, Benjamin 
Gould, Wm. H. Chamberlain and Freeman R. Dakin as Corporals ; Robert A. 
Strickland, Musician ; Henry W. Rider, Wagoner ; the rest of the Company, 77 
in number, consenting to serve their country as private soldiers. 

AUGUSTA AND WASHINGTON. 

Thus organized, the Company rendezvoused at Augusta, where, October 19, 
'61, it was mustered into the service of the United States, as Company D, of the 
Eleventh Regiment Maine Infantry Volunteers. 

The regiment started for Washington, November 13, '61, arriving there on 
the i6th, and the same day pitched its circular Ellis tents on Meridian Hill, back 
of Washington, naming its camp " Knox," after the hero of the Revolution that 
Maine claims as her own. 

The only really notable event that took place in the several weeks the reg- 
iment occupied Camp Knox, was the Battle of the Sand Pits, by which name 
the quarrel between the men of the Eleventh and those of a United States 
Cavalry Regiment camped near Camp Knox, is known to the initiated. Whatever 
the cause of the quarrel, it culminated in an undisciplined rush to arms and a 
prompt occupation of the disputed sand pits by the more hot headed of the 
Eleventh. Fortunately no blood was shed before the officers of the two regiments 
got their men under control. No reputations were lost in this engagement, and 
but one was made, that of Private Longley, of D Company, who, with character- 



istic French-Canadian impetuosity slipped a cartridge into the muzzle of his 
Belgian rifle, bullet end first, effectually spiking the piece. 

The Eleventh was here brigaded with the 104th and 52nd Pennsylvania, the 
56th and looth New York Infantry Regiments, Regan's Seventh New York 
Battery of three inch ordnance guns attached ; Colonel W. W. H. Davis, of the 
104th Pennsylvania, in command of the Brigade, by reason of seniority of 
commission. 

Soon after this formation, on New Year's Day, 1862, the brigade went into 
winter quarters in Carver Barracks, on Meridian Hill. Each regiment was dom- 
iciled in a dozen or fourteen one-story wooden houses, shell like structures of from 
fifty to sixty feet in length, twenty-five or thirty in width, and separated from each 
other by a street of perhaps twenty-five feet in width. The buildings of each 
regiment bordered one side of a great esplanade, the garrison flag floating from 
a tall staff in its center, each building laying a gable end to this square, which was 
common to all for drill and parade purposes. 

Here the Winter was passed in perfecting the drill and discipline of the men, 
the officers gaining their technical military knowledge, book in hand, while im- 
parting the contents to their stalwart pupils. In this way both officers and men 
practiced assiduously until they could load and fire in a truly military manner; 
march with mathematical accuracy and wheel geometrically. They also learned 
to obey orders without demur or question, under penalty of "Death or some 
worse punishment," as the men would have it the United States Army Regulations, 
read to them so frequently, provided for about all the offences in the military 
decalogue, this being their free rendering of the often closing phrase of a 
paragraph : — " Death, or such other punishment as the sentence of a court martial 
may inflict." 

So far as recollection serves, the men of D were not given to law breaking. 
There is a remembrance though of Private Bridges standing on the head of a 
barrel at the head of the company street, a punishment for some now forgotten 
offense that did not seem to affect Private Bridges' sense of shame to any 
appreciable degree, he assuring all anxious inquirers that he was stationed in so 
commanding a position that he might announce the paymaster's anticipated 
approach from Washington, that all men of D might have timely warning to 
be on hand to receive their somewhat overdue dollars. 

It was a very dull winter. About all the diversions from drill and parade 
that I recall are a few days on pass spent in wandering through the Capitol and 
other Government buildings — through the Smithsonian Institute — in visiting 
the already crowded hospitals — a marching part in the pompous military funeral 
given General Lander's body — and a dinner party given by D on Washington's 
Birthday, at which the field and staff of the regiment, the conspicuous guests, 
paid for their oyster stew and cider in speeches of impassioned eloquence, 
prophesying such a speedy downfall of the Wicked Rebellion that some of our 
men were almost inclined to pack their knapsacks before going to sleep, not to 
run any risk of missing the eastern train in the morning in case the W. R. should 
fall to pieces during the night. 

This seems to be the place to have it recalled by Lieutenant Budge to the 



men of D who passed the Winter of 1861-62 in these barracks, that he com- 
manded a detail that winter that, under the direction of the Provost Marshal General 
of Washington, seized and spilled into the gutters of that city some thirty 
thousand dollars worth of more or less ardent spirits. It would be interesting to 
have added to these figures a computation of the number of gallons of such fluids 
spilled by the men ofD during its entire military history, spilled from canteens 
and other fluid receptacles, especially the number of gallons spilled by the 
re-enlisted men when on their famous furlough in the Winter of 1864. 

lyife in Washington passed as briefly indicated until March, when preparations 
were made for moving "On to Richmond." So eager were the men to make 
this movement, many of them fancying it would bring about an immediate 
ending of the war, that they chafed at the unavoidable delay that lack of trans- 
port service occasioned; Private Leighton, I believe it was, voicing the opinion of 
many that the delay was pusillanimous, and patriotically declaring for an imme- 
diate taking of Richmond and the hanging of Jeff. Davis, that all the farmers of 
the army might get home in time to attend to their Spring planting. And when 
there was one false start, the regiment in line, with baggage packed, and all ready 
for the word of command, then we were ordered back to quarters, there were 
curses loud and deep, even had been deacons using language that would have 
shocked the sisters, till the band jocularly struck up "Wait for the wagon and 
we'll all take a ride," when good nature was restored, proving that music indeed 
hath soothing charms. 

THE PENINSULA CAMPAIGN. 

The afternoon of the 28th of March, the brigade, now the third of General 
Casey's division of the Fourth Army Corps, General Keyes, commanding, was 
actually en route for Alexandria; Captain Maxfield's diary says : — "With boots 
blacked, hands in white gloves and brass shoulder scales on," a campaign guise 
difficult for the men of '64 to appreciate. 

This was a hard march for green troops, unaccustomed to heavy marching 
order, with more too than the phrase implies, for besides gun, equipments, forty 
rounds of cartridges, the knapsacks were not only stuffed with the ordinary kits 
of soldiers, but were laden with the remains of civilian wardrobes and the 
accumulations of a winter's garrison duty. I think that no man of D ever reached 
a more welcome camp ground than the one outside of Alexandria that night. And 
by the time the newly issued shelter tents were buttoned together, were pitched, 
and the camp fires were lighted, there were many too weary to care for anything 
but to creep supperless into their tents, wrap their blankets around them and rest 
their aching bones. In the morning reveille awoke them to see a Spring snow storm , 
half rain and half snow beating down, followed by a day of discomfort and 
another night on a wet camp ground, and glad enough the next afternoon, that 
of March 30th, were all to get on board the transport Constitution, with all its 
discomforts of wet decks, on which the men must sleep closely crowded together; 
four regiments of our brigade, the Eleventh, the 56th and the looth New York, 
and the 52d Pennsylvania regiments, with Regan's Battery, jamming the five 
decked Constitution to its utmost capacity. 



Proceeding to Fortress Monroe, we were ordered to land at Newport News, 
to which place we were taken by a smaller steamer, the Constitution drawing too 
many feet of water to be able to reach the landing place. In steaming across the 
bay the masts of the sunken war ships could be seen standing above the surface 
of the water telling of the great Naval combat that so lately took place in this 
placid water. Soon a puff of smoke rolled out from a rebel battery off Sewall's 
Point, announcing the coming of the first hostile shot. It fell so far short of our 
steamer that the tell-tale spray of water its plunge threw into the air was received 
by us with a yell of derision. 

Landing at Newport News the 2d of April, the brigade went into camp, 
where we remained for a few days owing to lack of wagon transportation. It 
was here that the men first went on picket. And Captain Maxfield's diary 
records that there was a rush among them to go on picket duty, probably as great 
a one as there was in later years to escape such service. 

The 6th of April, we proceeded to Young's Mills, where we occupied the log 
barracks rebel troops had occupied the previous winter. Here the regiment was 
paid off, and where they had learned it is a mystery, but it did seem as if not 
only the men of D but those of every company of the regiment were adepts in the 
mysteries of the national game ; for wherever you went through the thick woods 
surrounding the barracks you would come across groups of men squatting around 
the tops of hard bread boxes laid on the ground, and hear such mystic phrases 
as: — "Ante up or leave the board." "It's your deal." "I raise you five 
cents." "I see you and go you five better." Some of the men wrecked their 
available fortunes in a few hours at the game, then would borrow a quarter from 
some friend and regain all they had lost, only to lose it again before night. Such 
is the see-saw of fortune. 

The 17th of April, we rejoined the brigade in position before Lee's Mill, on 
the creek known as the Warwick River. We took a modest part in the siege of 
Yorktown. I chiefly remember a reconnoissance in which Company D followed 
a skirmish line as its reserve. 

By company front, trying to keep a perfect alignment, keeping step as if on 
parade, D crashed through woods and bushes, quite undaunted until a shell came 
screeching towards them ; and as it fell some twenty feet before them, burst in a 
cloud of smoke and the pieces went flying into the air, our heroes waited with 
open mouths for half a minute perhaps, certainly quite long enough for all danger 
to have passed, then at one and the same time each and all, as if by a common 
impulse, threw themselves flat upon the ground, and digging their noses into the 
soil, lay there for another full half minute before arising to march on their dig- 
nified way. 

Think of that you men of Morris Island, to whom flying shot and shells 
became a matter of course, of no more consequence than beans from a bean 
shooter. But that was your first shell, and 'twas long before you had heard the 
warning cries of "Jim Island" and "Sullivan," long before those names had 
become so familiar to you as to have hardened your nerves to comparative in- 
difference. 

It was in this reconnajvS^nce that the first man of the regiment was 



killed, Private Mace, of Company A. As the first man of the regiment killed, 
his body had a fascination for all of us as it lay in camp, and few of us but were 
awe struck as we looked upon the waxen face of our comrade, now drained of blood, 
but yesterday blooming with health and spirits, struck dead in a second as if by 
a thunderbolt. The only other matter for record here is our being called out 
early one morning to stand to arms and listen to the attack a portion of the 
Vermont brigade made on the dam across the Warwick, known as Dam No. i. 
Though the charging and the answering yells, the crash of musketry and the 
booming of cannon came to us, out of danger, but as the crash and uproar of a 
distant thunder shower, yet it was so suggestive of what was going on in the 
semi-darkness beyond the intervening woods, that it gave some of us a dread 
foreboding that the time was really near at hand when we must be active partic- 
ipants in just such bits of the bloody game of war. 

We were not in the trenches before Yorktown at any time except as 
individuals. Then to creeping to the outer works and watching the slow 
operations of the siege, we much preferred to sit in the interior works and listen 
to the blood-curdling tales of the so-called California sharpshooters, the butts of 
whose rifles were notched to their utmost capacity, each notch representing a dead 
rebel, according to its owner's statement, but as it was estimated that the com- 
bined notches on the butts of their rifles outnumbered the entire rebel force 
under Magruder, it is more probable that they bore quite as much testimony 
to the mendacious abihties of the story tellers as to their sharp shooting ones. 

One fine May morning, that of the 4th, it was known that Magruder had 
evacuated Yorktown the night before, and under the command of our new brigade 
commander. Brigadier General Henry M. Naglee, we were in quick pursuit. We 
crossed the rebel lines at I>e's Mills, which fortified position we gallantly carried 
without loss in the absence of the flying enemy. 

As the different commands of our army moved forward, they converged on 
the road leading from Yorktown to 'Williamsburg with the result that this road 
was soon packed with horse, foot and artillery, all pushing eagerly forward, and 
without overmuch regards for right of way. 

Company D, holding the right of the regiment, was a pleased auditor to a 
little conversation between Colonel Caldwell and the irate commander of a reg- 
iment the Eleventh had unceremoniously displaced. The displaced commander 
was evidently, by manner and seat in the saddle, a regular officer, which then 
meant among other things, an officer with large ideas of his own importance as a 
trained military man, and small ones of all volunteer officers. 

"Sir," roared he, riding up to Colonel Caldwell, "How dare you march 
across the head of my command ? ' ' 

The Colonel looked at him in his large placid way, without answering him, 
much as a mastiff" looks at a snarling terrier. 

" Do you know who I am, sir ? " yelled the angry commander, now doubly 
enraged at the elaborate indifference, and the apparently studied silence of our 
Colonel. " I am Major so-and-so of such and such a regiment." 

"And I," answered Colonel Caldwell, smiling blandly, touching his cap 
with military courtesy as he spoke, " And I am Colonel John C. Caldwell, com- 



manding the Eleventh Maine Regiment of Infantry Volunteers, and am quite at 
your service, sir." 

Speechless with rage, and fairly gasping at the haw-haw of approval we 
country bumpkins gave the Colonel's answer, Major so-and-so backed his horse 
a little, turned him, and galloped away in as furious a state of mind as any 
gallant Major ever galloped in. 

This bright May day was spent by the infantry in marching and halting 
while the cavalry pressed forward on the heels of the flying enemy. Towards 
night the regiments went into bivouac. Then the men scattered for foraging 
purposes. The inhabitants had mainly fled to Richmond, perhaps naturally, they 
consisting of women, children and male antiquities generally, McClellan's report 
stating that every able bodied male of the Peninsula was in the ranks of the rebel 

army. 

They went hastily, evidently. I remember one house from which the 
occupants had fled just as they were about to seat themselves to a meal apparently, 
for the table was spread with dishes and untouched victuals. Loading themselves 
with food and furniture from these deserted houses, the boys returned to camp. 

My particular group of D slept that night on a feather bed, spread on the 
ground, with sheets, quilts, pillows — all the accompaniments. But, alas, it 
beo-an to rain heavily in the night, so that before morning our downy nest of the 
evening before was about as comfortable a sleeping place as a bed-tick filled with 
mush and milk would be — a soaked, oozing, nasty mess. 

In the morning we pushed forward in a heavy rain over roads cut up by 
artillerj^ wheels and punched full of holes by the hoofs of innumerable horses. 
We could soon hear the battle of Williamsburg progressing in front as we, wet to 
the skin, plodded on our miserable way. Towards night, General McClellan 
ordered General Naglee to push forward and reinforce General Hancock, who 
was reported as heavily pressed. We moved forward rapidly and zealously, but 
before we could reach Hancock, that brilliant commander had, by feigning a retreat, 
led the opposing enemy from their intrenchments into the open field, where with a 
few heavy volleys he stopped them, then charging with the baj-onet, routed 
and dispersed their column, capturing some five hundred of it. 

We arrived only in time to witness the overthrow of the enemy, and to give 
the victors generous cheers of congratulations. Taking position in line, we stood 
to our arms through a cold, wet night, entirely without fire, and almost without 
food, our nearly empty haversacks furnishing us with a very scanty supper. It 
was a night to remember. 

But in the morning, the dreaded morning, when all that long line of earth- 
works, beyond which lay the old city of Williamsburg, must be carried ; in the 
morning our chilled blood was not only warmed by a brilliant sun, but by the 
knowledge that the Confederates had evacuated these intrenchments too, and 
were still falling back towards Richmond. 

The supply trains had been left behind in leaving the lines before Yorktown, 
and when enterprising wagon-masters did get their trains towards the front, they 
were compelled to give way to hurrying troops and artillery. It now became 
necessary to await the coming of these but lately despised supply trains, for soldiers. 



to march and fight, must be fed, and you might as well try to get fight out of 
empty cartridge boxes as out of empty haversacks. 

A few days then, we of necessity spent before Williamsburg, to rest the 
exhausted troops and to replenish empty cartridge boxes and haversacks. These 
few days were mainly passed by our men in taking a first sight of the horrors of 
war. Not only our own wounded were there, but the enemy's as well, left behind 
in the care of their surgeons, in the hurried flight of the rear guard that had made 
the stand for delay at Williamsburg. Cut, hacked, shot, dead and dying, a sorry 
sight there was in the barracks Confederate troops had occupied during the 
winter, now used for hospital purposes. And out on the field was a worse one. 
Dead bodies lay where they fell, and as they fell. Some in the act of loading, 
some as if firing, these that had been shot dead in their tracks; others lay on their 
backs or curled into tortuous shapes, staring stonily, as if for a la.st look at the 
world that had faded from their darkening eyes as the Hfe blood poured from their 
mortal wounds. However hardened we became afterwards, the most indifferent 
of us by nature was then visibly affected by the gruesome sights we saw on the 
blood3^ field of Williamsburg. 

The 9th of May we were on the march again, but moved slowlj', the roads 
being few and narrow, and the weather rainy. On the 13th, Colonel Caldwell 
having been promoted a Brigadier-General, took leave of us and Colonel 
Plaisted assumed command. It was two o'clock in the morning of the 14th of 
May before we reached New Kent Court House, and about the 19th before we 
reached the Chickahominy and took possession of the ruins of Bottoms and the 
Railroad Bridges. 

A reconnoissance D and a piece of artillery made showed that the last named 
bridge had been burned. We had a merry exchange of grape with the enemy's 
artillery across the river, here about forty feet wide, fringed with a dense growth 
of forest trees, and bordered by low marshy bottom lands, varying from half 
a mile to a mile in width, as McClellan describes it. The following day, the 20th, 
Naglee's Brigade crossed Bottoms Bridge and D with another company of 
infantry and a squadron of cavalry followed General Naglee for some miles along 
a road leading through White Oak Swamp to the James River. We touched 
the enemy's cavalry but once and quickly formed at a bridge to receive 
his anticipated charge. It not coming, General Naglee crossed the bridge with 
his cavalry and charged the enemy, the General at the head of his little force 
scattering the enemy in every direction but ours. We then marched on again for 
some miles, when the infantry went into position at a big farm house on a 
commanding hill and General Naglee and the cavalry rode away towards the 
James River. It was said that they watered their horses in that river before 
returning to us, which they did in about an hour. We then made a rapid 
retrograde movement for Bottoms Bridge, marching back by another road than 
that we had taken in advancing, by this sharp maneouvre escaping the attention 
of a body of gray coated gentlemen who had assembled at a point on our line of 
advance to give us a taste of Southern hospitality on our return march. This 
rapid and brilliant reconnoissance, right through the enemy's country, gave 
General McClellan important information regarding roads and their connections 



that he found very useful to him when unexpected circumstances forced us to 
retreat in that direction. 

On the 24th of May, General Naglee's brigade dislodged the enemy from the 
vicinity of Seven Pines and secured a strong position for our advance. McClellan 
says also that on the 25th, under cover of a movement by General Naglee, the 
whole Fourth Corps took up and began to fortify a position at Seven Pines. On 
the 28th his record also shows Casey's division was moved forward to Fair Oaks, 
three-quarters of a mile in advance of Seven Pines, leaving General Couch 
at the works at Seven Pines. General Casey immediately began a new line of 
rifle pits and a small redoubt for six field guns to cover our new position. 
Here we were engaged in constant skirmishing and picket service until 
May 31, when the battle of Fair Oaks was fought. When about noon of the 
31st of May the Rebel Command^fs of D. H. Hill, Huger, Longstreet and G. W. 
Smith swept down on Casey's division, D and other companies of the regiment 
were on the picket line, D on the extreme right. The few members of D 
left in camp joined regiments moving to the front as they came forward, and with 
the rest of Naglee's Brigade, to use the language of General McClellan's official 
report concerning our brigade, "struggled gallantly to maintain the redoubt and 
rifle pits against the overwhelming masses of the enemy." As individuals those 
of D so engaged did their duty, both here and in the later stands made at General 
Couch's rifle pits. One of them, Private Gray, reported missing, was undoubtedly 
killed while voluntarily attached to some stranger organization, receiving burial 
with their dead of his adopted regiment. But the story of D as a company we 
will tell from information furnished us by its First Sergeant, Brady, who 
commanded and directed its movements when it made its stand on the picket line 
against an advancing line of battle. The portion of the Regiment not on picket 
was taken into the battle by then Major Campbell, and shares with the 104th 
Pennsylvania the warm encomiums of official writers on the heroic bravery shown 
by these two regiments that day. 

The night before the battle of Fair Oaks was one of a terrible storm, that we 
all know. D went on picket that evening, occupying the extreme right of the 
line, an entirely unsupported position. The men passed a miserable night, 
watching in darkness and storm, sheltering themselves as they best could and 
still remain alert, for all the signs pointed to an early attack on us; the pressure 
of the enemies skirmish lines, the plain movements of their troops, and the fact 
that they must either dislodge us or lose Richmond. Towards morning the storm 
ceased, and the day broke with the promise of clearness. Shortly afterwards 
Sergeant Brady came out of camp with Private Annis, then a detailed cook, 
Annis bearing a camp kettle in which he proceeded to prepare coffee, when the 
men partook of a rough breakfast. Soon lyieutenant Washington, of General 
Johnston's staff", rode unexpectedly into the line of D, having mistaken a road in 
carrying orders to some rebel command. Quickly halted, he ruefully yielded 
himself a prisoner, and under Captain Harvey's pilotage made an unwilling way 
to General Casey's headquarters. Captain Harvey failing to return, the 
command of the company devolved upon Second Lieutenant Johnson, as First 
Lieutenant Stanwood was away sick. The capture of Lieutenant Washington 



made the pickets doubly alert. Besides, General Naglee himself rode Out to their 
line to make observations, and warned them that they were liable to be attacked 
at any moment. Soon great activity was displayed by the rebel pickets in the 
immediate front, and sharp picket fighting took place during the forenoon. A 
little after noon the roar of the attack on the left was heard. It was uncertain 
what the pickets should do. Lieutenant Johnson and Corporal Keene moved 
out on the right to learn, if they could, what force, if any, guarded the flank. 
They found it entirely unguarded, and moved along until they fell in with 
Sumner's advance, when they were occupied in giving information concerning 
the movements of the enemy, and the bearing of the roads to General Sumner's 
aids. 

Sergeant Brady had been left in command of the company by Lieutenant 
Johnson, and shortly a rebel line of battle appeared moving towards the line held 
by D. Under Sergeant Brady's orders, some of the men began to barricade the 
road they centered on by falling trees across it, the others keeping up a rapid fire 
on the enemy to give the idea by their boldness that they covered a line of battle, 
while really between them and Fair Oaks there was then no force whatever. 
This ruse succeeded to an unexpected degree, the rebel line of battle halting, 
throwing out a strong skirmish line, and making an elaborately cautious advance. 
Of course their skirmishers easily flanked our forlorn pickets, and curling them 
back in spite of their stubborn resistance, finally scattered them through the 
woods. 

Before the rebel onset. Sergeant Brady, realizing by the sound of the battle 
that he was cut ofi" from his camp, had carefully cautioned the men to make their 
line of inevitable retreat toward the right and rear, and fortunately for most of 
them they followed these orders, reaching our lines in safety. Those that were 
captured were Sergeant Bassett, Corporal Dakin, Musician Strickland, Privates 
William and Moses Sherman, House, and lastly Sergeant Brady himself, who, 
the captor of two rebel soldiers, was triumphantly following his prisoners into 
our lines as he supposed, when, reaching the railroad, a line of rebel infantry 
confronted him, and he found it necessary to exchange place with his own 
prisoners, who, you may be sure, took a great pleasure in escorting him to 
Richmond. These, with Private Gray killed, and Private Blaine wounded, cover 
the loss of D at the battle of Fair Oaks. 

It will be seen by this, that when night fell on the first day of the battle of 
Fair Oaks, Company D was somewhat scattered. Some of its members had 
joined the colors, but many were still wandering in search of them, while a stout 
detachment was already housed in Libby Prison. But before the next day 
noontime, the company was fully organized again under the command of 
Lieutenant Johnson, Captain Harvey relinquishing the command, pending the 
acceptance of his resignation, which circumstances forced him to send in. 

The regiment took no part in the second day's fighting, constituting part of 
the reserve. That night they lay in the edge of a piece of woods. During it 
certain mules belonging to the Q. M. Department of our army were stampeded, 
galloping in a body along our line of battle, the rattling of the chains of their 
harnesses which had not been removed when they where unhitched from the 



12 



wagons, so resembling the clanking of the scabbards of galloping cavalrymen, 
that many of the Eleventh, more than will confess it, were sure that the rebel 
Stuart and his cavalry were upon us. For a few minutes the utmost consternation 
and confusion prevailed, but the truth was quickly known and quiet restored. 
Of course no one was really scared, still it is said that some of the Eleventh, and 
they not all of the rank and file either, displayed an unexpected aptitude for 
tree climbing during the misconception. 

After the battle we had occasion to look over the battle-field, for of course 
we did not know that our missing were captured, they might be killed or 
wounded. 

It told the same ghastly story of war as that of Williamsburgh. Our hastily 
abandoned camp had been rummaged by the Confederates and the shelter tents 
and old blankets taken from it to spread on the wet ground as they lay in line of 
battle. The long line of wet trampled tents and blankets told the exact position 
the enemy occupied the night of the first day of the battle. The kettles still 
hung over the charred embers of the extinguished cook fires, the headquarters' 
tents still stood in their places, the horns of the band still hanging on the limbs 
of the apple trees they were hanging on when the band took its hasty departure 
for Augusta. It tooted for us no more. In a day or two our division was 
placed under command of General Peck and ordered to guard the Railroad 
Bridge and Bottoms Bridge ; Couch's division guarding the fords across the 
White Oak Swamp. For some days our position was at the bridges, we camping 
at the end of the Railroad Bridge, just where the Confederate artillery had 
stood when D and its Federal piece of artillery first opened fire on each other 
from opposite ends of the bridge. Then came the swift and almost unheralded 
march of Jackson from the Valley to the south side of the Chickahominy and 
the Seven Days' Battles. The story of the Battle of Gaines' Mills was brought 
to us by the seemingly interminable army of the disheartened troops that for 
hours filed across the Railroad Bridge, without officers or orders, clamoring that 
all was lost, and that Jackson was moving swiftly towards us, crushing all 
opposition. 

With a well-manned battery, strongly supported, placed on the hill behind 
us, the Eleventh went down into the swamps of the Chickahominy, remaining 
there in a long skirmish line for two or three days, expecting every hour to hear 
the skirmishers of the enemy crashing through the woods of the opposite 
shore of the Chickahominy, now easily fordable by light troops. But before the 
momentarily uncertain enemy moved forward McClellan's rapidly laid plans had 
been fully acted oh, our right wing was across the Chickahominy by its 
various bridges, the bridges were destroyed, and the retreat to the James River 
was in full operation. As we moved away from the Railroad Bridge, the center 
spans of which had been destroyed by axemen of the Eleventh the day before, 
the famous train of cars that our men had loaded with shells and combustibles at 
Savage Station came tearing down the track, and reaching the bridge took its 
mighty header. 

General "Dick" Taylor, of the Confederates, who was in command of the 
troops at the other end of the bridge, says of it, while the battle of Savage Station 



13 

was raging on the afternoon of June 29th, Magruder attacking Sumner, to be 
beaten off, the din of the distant combat was silenced to his ears by a train 
approaching from Savage Station, gathering speed as it rushed along, quickly 
emerging from the forest to show two engines drawing a long string of cars. 
Reaching the bridge, the engines exploded with a terrible noise, followed in 
succession by the explosion of the carriages laden with ammunition. Shells burst 
in all directions, he says, the river was lashed into foam, trees were torn for 
acres around, and several of his men were wounded. 

To this harsh music we moved swiftly away till we had crossed White Oak 
Swamp Bridge in gathering darkness and reached the high ground beyond it. 
Here we bivoucaked in line of battle, all but the guards sleeping on their arms, 
while the rear guard came filing across the bridge. In the morning exhausted 
troops could be seen lying fast asleep everywhere — in the fields, the woods, even 
in the dusty road itself. But all of our troops were across the swamp, and as fast 
as the packed condition of the roads to the James would permit, all but those of 
us to form the rear guard of the day, the divisions of Smith and Richardson 
and Naglee's Brigade, under command of Franklin, to lay here and hold Jackson 
himself at bay, were moving slowly towards the next selected position to make 
a stand — Malvern Hill. That Jackson was on the other side of the bridge we 
knew, the rattle of the skirmishers' rifles told us that. But just about noon 
he announced his presence by suddenly opening on us with thirty pieces of 
artillery. 

One moment there was nothing above us but a cloudless summer sky, the 
next the air was full of shrieking shells, bursting in puffs of white smoke, and 
showering down a storm of broken iron. It was so startling in its suddenness 
that it is not strange, as the Second Corps chronicler says, that there was " a scene 
of dire confusion." And to add to it, the men in charge of a ponton train 
drawn up by the roadside, waiting for an opportunity to lumber away along it, 
unhitched their horses, mounted them and fled for the James River. 

The confusion lasted but for a minute, and in it the Eleventh had no share. 
We were lying in the edge of the woods that bordered the great cleared field in 
which the troops and trains were massed, and perhaps had an advantage in all 
being wide awake. At any rate we were not a bit demoralized. Scarcely a man 
started to his feet, all waiting for the word of command. It came quickly, and 
from the mouth of General Naglee himself, who riding up to us and seeing our 
immovability while the troops around us were in evident confusion, could not 
restrain his delight at our coolness, but cried out " Fall in, my Yankee squad," 
for the Eleventh was few in numbers now. We fell in, and as he proudly led us 
across the big field to a new position, we stiffened our necks and neither dodged 
or bowed to the storm of iron beating down upon us. We had made a hit, and 
we knew it. 

Taking up a position behind the rails of a torn-down fence, the Eleventh lay 
listening to Jackson's cannon and watching Hazzard's battery as it swept the 
White Oak Swamp Bridge with a storm of grape and cannister that kept even 
Jackson at bay. The cannoneers fell one by one — were thinned out until the 
officers not yet killed or wounded dismounted and took their places at the guns. 



14 

It was whispered that their ammunition was giving out — was most gone — a few 
rounds more and the last shell would be fired, and then Jackson and his 35,000 
men would pour across the bridge and up the heights to learn what sort of stuff 
we were made of. 

But this was not to be. JvLst as we were gathering ourselves together for the 
apparently fast coming struggle, there came a yell from the rear, a sound of 
desperately galloping horses, and with slashing whips Pettits' battery came tear- 
ing on at the top of their horses' speed, General Naglee leading them into 
position. Ours, as did all the regiments massed in the big field, rose and 
cheered Naglee and the artillerymen as they swept by. Inside of a minute from 
their first appearance, they were in position, unlimbered, and were sweeping the 
bridge with grape and cannister. 

Away on the left, at Glendale, there was fighting, and hard fighting too. 
Our men were so hard pressed that Franklin felt obliged to return two brigades 
to Sedgwick that he had borrowed from him. And our old commander. Colonel 
Caldwell, who had been with us during the day (now a Brigadier-General and 
commanding a brigade in Richardson's division), marched away with his brigade 
too, and rendered effective service in beating the masses of the enemy off. 

They attacked at several points in their efforts to break through the lines of 
our men covering the roads b)^ which our supply, ammunition and artillery trains 
were retreating to Malvern Hill. Slocum, on the Charles City road, was attacked 
at half-past one o'clock, but held his position by a sweeping artillery fire. Then, 
McCall, at Glendale, a point half way to Malvern Hill, was heavily attacked. 
McCall and many of his men and guns were captured, but the strength of the' 
rebel blow was exhausted in the necessary effort, so that Sumner, whose line had 
been in the rear of McCall' s, letting the broken troops through, opened 
heavily with artillery and musketry, repulsing all the enemy's efforts to break 
his line. Later in the day an attempt was made on Porter, stationed at Malvern 
Hill. He, too, by the aid of the gunboats, maintained his position. As night 
fell, we prepared to retreat. The abandoned ponton train was set on fire, and 
by its flaring light we moved back, marching on and on until morning found us 
in position with our own division at Malvern Hill. 

The line of battle stretched around Malvern Hill, which is a point on the 
James River of perhaps sixty feet in height with a broad cleared top. Our line 
of defence made a huge semicircle, the flanks on the river and under protection 
of the gunboats. Our own position was on the right flank, close to the river. 
But a third of the troops of our army were actually engaged in the battle of 
Jul}^ ist, 1862. It was an artillery battle ; the hill was crowned with sixty pieces 
of artillery, planted to sweep all possible openings by which troops could advance. 
Magruder and D. H. Hill made determined efibrts to withstand their fire but, 
when supplemented with a rolling infantry fire, no troops could stand it. Night 
fell with our position undisturbed at any point. 

As for me, I slept through most of the uproar ; slept the sleep of the thor- 
oughly tired-out. And I understand that all that could of the army did so too, 
refreshing tired Nature against the hour of need ; many of the troops actually 
engaged waking to do their brief part in repelling an assault, and that done, to 



15 

lie down in their line of battle to fall asleep again. 

When darkness set in the retreat was continued. Troops, batteries and 
trains moved towards Harrison's L,anding all night. Morning broke, the heavens 
opened, and torrents of rain descended. Our division lay in a covering position 
to oppose any advance the enemy might make, but he had given up the chase. 
With our troops already on the James, under cover of our gunboats, he knew it 
was madness to pursue further. So, the sodden, tired men, the trains of 
wounded, batteries and wagons floundered unmolested through the mud into 
Harrison's Landing, and not till all were past us, the last straggling man and 
wagon, did we of the rear guard move into that haven of rest and safety for the 
beaten, battered, exhausted Anny of the Potomac. 

Harrison's landing. 

At Harrison's L,anding our regiment was encamped on the left of the line, 
close to the river. There was but one alarm here, that of the morning of 
August I, when the enemy ran some light guns to the opposite bank of the 
James and opened fire on the landing. For about thirty minutes there was a 
lively exchange of shot and shell between their battery and our gunboats, when 
the enemy fell back, and troubled us no more. 

Here we remained until the middle of August, our life a monotony of 
picket duty in an open field, baking, sweltering under a hot sun, with only such 
shelter as kennels made of sticks and wheat straw afforded. In camp, a well 
shaded one fortunately, we lazily slept the time away, drilling occasionally, but 
not often, though when General Emory took command of our brigade here, 
General Naglee going north on leave, he established a series of brigade drills, 
the chief amusement in which, to the rank and file, was to see the commanders 
of the difi"erent regiments gallop up to the General after each awkward movement 
to receive the maledictory criticisms of that outraged old cavalry warrior on their 
evident ignorance of what to him was as familiar as winking. They passed his 
enconiums along to their line officers on returning to their regiments you may be 
sure, and the line officers took it out of their " non coms," who cursed the men 
for their stupidity, who damned the man who invented tactics and themselves for 
having been such fools as to enlist for soldiers with which officers could play 
shuttlecock and battledore. 

Finally, the preparations for the evacuation of the Landing being completed, 
we of Keyes' Corps moved away from it the i6th of August. The 17th we 
crossed the Chickahominy near the mouth of the James, crossing on a ponton 
bridge of two thousand feet in length, reached Williamsburg the i8th, went into 
camp about where we did when there in May, marching to Yorktown the 20th. 

YORKTOWN. 

All of the army but two divisions of our corps now took transports to go to 
the relief of Pope and Burnside, and to fight the battle of Antietam. Two 
divisions of our corps were left on the Peninsula ; Couch's going with the main 
army. Our brigade took position at Yorktown, and proceeded to strengthen the 
defences of that place to enable it to resist any attack from the direction of 



i6 

Richmond. The work was soon completed, but we were not troubled by the 
enem}'. Once a raid of Confederate cavalrymen on Williamsburg created a 
flurry of anticipation, but nothing came of it except an opportunity for General 
Emory to see the regiments promptly take their previously assigned positions. 
The General soon after this left us, General Naglee having returned, and it was 
known that though General Emory had taken command reluctantly, preferring 
his old command naturally, yet that he left us with characteristic and vigorous 
asseverations of regret at having to do so. Shortly before his leaving, the so- 
called " '62 men " joined us. Their recruits were rather looked down on at first 
b}' the " veterans " of one campaign, and for a time were kept in open-mouthed 
admiration by a few true, and many apochryphal, stories of the valor and 
endurance the story-tellers declared they themselves had so lately displayed. 
The men of '62 that D received were all good men and true, and added no little 
to the good fellowship of the company as well as to its strength. Many of them 
coming from seaboard towns, some of them seafaring men, they brought a new 
and rather desirable element, a jovial, adventurous one, into the ranks, until now 
almost entirely made up of plodding farmers. 

Two expeditions were fitted out from Yorktown, in both of which D took a 
part, one to Matthews County and the other to Gloucester Court House. As 
Captain Maxfield, then a private of Company C, was an active participant in 
both these movements, and the compiler of these sketches was in neither, 
Captain Maxfield will tell of what befell the troops of these expeditions. 

MATTHEWS COUNTY. 

Nov. 22, '62. Nine companies of the regiment left camp between 8 and 
9p. m., and embarking on the gunboats Mahaska and Putnam and the tug- 
boat May Queen, proceeded down the York River and up the Chesapeake Bay. 
They entered the Mob Jack Bay about 8.30 a. m. on the 23d, and proceeded up 
the East River, where they landed in Matthews County, Va., at 11.30 a. m. 
The force was divided and sent to different plantations, where they destroyed 
large quantities of salt and salt works, or salt kettles. The male portion of the 
community were taken and held as prisoners while we remained. The writer 
was in the detachment commanded by Captain lyibby of Company A, and went 
to the plantation of Sands Smith. We shall never forget the warlike picture of 
little Pete Neddo of Company A breaking the big kettles with a sledge hammer, 
or the poor old negro woman, whose son had run aw^aj^ a few months previous 
and had accompanied us as one of the guides of the expedition, at sight of the 
boy. She threw herself on her knees and with hands upraised, exclaimed ' ' Is 
this Jesus Christ ! Is it God Almighty ! " Nor could we refrain from expressing 
the wish that this "cruel war" was over when we made prisoners of the old gentle- 
man and the young men who had come to his house to spend the pleasant 
Sunday afternoon in the societ}* of his lovely daughters. We returned to the 
gunboats soon after dark. 

At 9 a. m. on the 24th, as we were about getting under way for our return, 
a farmer came in with a flag of truce, who said a supply train was passing at a 
short distance and could be easily captured. The force on the Putnam, consist- 



17 

ing of Companies A, C and J), was landed, and under command of Captain 
S. H. Merrill of Company I, ordered to reconnoitre for one hour. We advanced 
about three miles, which brought us in sight of Matthews Court House, where 
there appeared to be a small force. After commencing our retreat we found we 
were pursued by a body of cavalry. Lieutenant F. M. John.son and Corporal 
J. F. Keene of Company D, who allowed themselves to be separated from the com- 
mand, were taken prisoners. We immediately returned to Yorktown, where we 
arrived about sundown. 

No field officer of the FUeventh accompanied this expedition, it being under 
the command of Major Cunningham of the Fifty-second Pennsylvania \'olun- 
teers. 

GLOUCESTER COURT HOUSE. 

Dec. II, '62. The regiment left camp before sunri.se, crossed the York River 
to Gloucester Point, and in company with the Fifty-second Pennsylvania, Fifty- 
sixth and One Hundredth New York, and Battery H, First New York Artillery, 
took up the line of march for Gloucester Court House, where we arrived at 4 p. m. 
We remained in the vicinity of the Court House, sending out foraging parties in 
different directions, who captured herds of cattle, sheep, mules and some fine 
horses. The cavalry, which led the advance from Gloucester Point, advanced to 
within a few miles of the Rappahannock. The expedition was commanded bj- 
General Henr^^ M. Naglee, and was intended as a diversion in rear of the rebel 
army during the battle of Fredericksburg. 

We commenced our retreat just after sunset on the 14th, and arrived in camp 
at 3.30 a. m. on the 15th, without the loss of a man, bringing our captured herds 
and the prisoners captured by the cavalr3\ 

One of the incidents of this expedition occurred when a member of the 
Eleventh attempted to pay for certain articles of food at a house near the Court 
House. The occupant absolutely refused to accept greenbacks, but one of his 
comrades perceiving the dilemma, produced a bill on the Bank of Lyons Kathair- 
on, a patent medicine advertisement, which the lady readily received, supposing 
it to be genuine Confederate money. 

THE DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH. 

In December we began to hear rumors that our brigade was to take part in 
an expedition to the further South, and soon active preparations for a movement 
were going on around us. The sick were sent North, ammunition and other 
supplies were plentifully provided, transports began to swing at anchor in the 
bay, and the 26th of the month we of the Eleventh found ourselves sailing away 
on the old steamer Cahawba in company with the 98th New York, General 
Naglee and staff, and the brigade band, bound for Morehead City, where we 
arrived the first day of January, 1863. 

We had a stormy passage, especially off Cape Hatteras. Here we saw the 
original Monitor in tow of the transport steamer Rhode-Lsland, passing closely 
enough to them towards night to see the heavy seas washing over the Monitor's 
low decks, to the evident discomfort of the bare-legged seamen. Before morning 



the Monitor had gone do\\n, but her crew was saved by the Rhode-Island. 

We landed at Morehead City and marched to Carolina City, a few miles 
away, where we went into camp. The term city as applied to these and other 
Southern places is usually mighty misleading. For example, Carolina City con- 
sists even now of little more than a railroad depot, and Morehead City is but a 
little larger. 

Our brigade remained comfortably encamped at Carolina City for a few 
weeks, our idea being that we were intended to form part of a force to descend 
upon Wilmington. 

And, when the Eleventh went on board the Cahawba again, this time in 
company with the 104th Pennsylvania instead of the 98th New York, and put to 
sea in company with a fleet of transports carrying our new division, we thought 
that Wilmington was our objective point. General Naglee, now the commander 
of the division our expedition consisted of, was on board the Cahawba with his 
staff", as was Colonel Davis, now again in command of our brigade, and his staff". 
We soon learned that we were bound for Port Royal, S. C, and that to capture 
Charleston was the object of our expedition. 

But though we went on board the Cahawba the 20th day of January, it was 
not till the afternoon of the 29th that we put to sea. We arrived at Port Royal 
January 31st, and entering the harbor, found ourselves one of a large and 
growing fleet of transports and gunboats. The 3d of February we sailed up Port 
Royal Sound to Beaufort, where we landed that the Cahawba might be cleaned, 
then reembarked on it the next day and returned to Port Royal. We were 
not landed again for some days, and the warm Southern sun operating on men as 
crowded together as we were, without opportunity for exercise and proper cleanli- 
ness, was not conducive to good health. Sickness cropped out, ship fever 
prevailed to an alarming extent, and a number of the Eleventh died before the 
troops were landed at St. Helena Island, which they were on the loth of Febru- 
ary. Landing, our regiments went into camp, and winter as it was, we found it 
necessary to cover our tents with an awning of palmetto branches spread on a 
frame work of crotched uprights and cross sticks. 

The health of the men improved rapidly. Their life was rather monotonous — 
drill, dress parades, reviews by Major-General Hunter and guard mountings 
taking up the time. The enemy was not near us, the labyrinth of rivers and 
waterways surrounding the nest of Islands known as Port Royal, enabling the 
light draught gunboats of the fleet to keep them on the inland, well out of our 
way. 

Captain Stanwood of D had resigned before now, its F'irst Sergeant, Brady, 
had been promoted to Second Lieutenant of Company G, and Second Lieutenant 
Butler, of Company H, was made First Lieutenant of D, and commanded the 
company. 

The 4th day of April, the regiment, the 104th Pennsylvania, with General 
Naglee, Colonel Davis, and their staffs again reembarked on the old Cahawba, and 
the 5th sailed in a fleet for the North Edisto Inlet. Anchoring in that now 
crowded roadstead, we waited the success of the fleet's attack on Charleston, 
when the division was to land and march on that citv. But the fleet found the 



19 

forts guarding Charleston Harbor beyond their weight, so clearly so that as 
Admiral Aninien puts it, "even the common sailors knew that Charleston 
could not be taken without a protracted siege." The only thing left for us all to 
do, was to return to Port Royal, which we did the loth of April, the old 
Cahawba leaving the swiftest of the fleet out of sight on the run, even 
sacrilegiously running by the "Flag vShip " of our transport squadron, and 
entering Port Royal while that seat of authority was still hull down. 

It was our last cruise on the steamer Cahawba. Afflicted as it was with 
the third plague of Egypt, it had been our home for so many days, had borne us 
safely over such a stretch of water, in storm and calm, that we had a rough 
affection for the stout old transport ; and for Mr. Davis, her second mate, too. 
We had heard the command from the wheel-house so often of ' ' Stand by your 
anchor, Mr. Davis," and the hoarse return of that old mariner, "Ay, ay. Sir," 
that he seemed part of the ship itself. As the regiment came alongside in a 
small steamer to go on board the Cahawba, to take a part in this very expedition, 
and our men saw the head of the rough old sailor peering over the side of the 
Cahawba at them, what a yell of " Stand by your anchor, Mr. Davis," rang out 
of five hundred throats. I am sorry to have to state that instead of the orthodox 
reply to this nautical command, Mr. Davis only growled " There's that damned 
Eleventh Maine again." The Cahawba steamed up the Sound to Beaufort with 
us the nth of April, where the regiment landed and went into camp. 

Lieutenant Butler, who had been ill for a da}' or so, now grew worse rapidly. 
His disease proved to be a malignant fever. He died April 14th. We buried him in 
the cemetery in Beaufort, with the military honors due his rank. His grave was 
near that of another young officer, one who had died in the Mexican war, and 
whose body had been brought home to be buried. I remember that over the 
young South Carolinian's grave stood a monument representing the trunk of a 
young palmetto tree, its top broken off. Where Butler is buried I do not know, 
at his old home, I hope ; and if he sleeps under the marble representation of a 
young, prematurely splintered pine tree, it is fitting. Young, handsome, intelli- 
gent, respected and admired by his men, cut down at his post in his years of high 
promise, wherever his grave is, it is that of a true son of our old Pine Tree 
State. 

Our sojourn at Beaufort was a pleasant one. The town, though now sadly 
neglected, retained all its beauty of semi-tropical flowers and plants, and, under 
a beautiful sky, in an enervating climate, we took lazy comfort in our camp on 
the bank of the river. Besides a plentiful supply of regular rations, the men 
of D were here regaled with lucious blackberries. They grew abundantly in the 
neighborhood, and the negroes were delighted to exchange quantities of them 
for our broken victuals. We had a big Quartermaster's "fly" pitched for our 
company and a long table built down the center of the space it covered, with 
benches fitted on each side of it. And when the table was set for breakfast with 
bright tin dishes — the men's plates and cups — with a ration of good white bread 
by each plate that our own Prince Dunifer had baked for us at the post 
bakery, with hot coffee in the cups, and mess-pans filled with baked beans 
.strewed along it, that table was a sight for a hungry- soldier. And at dinner, 



20 

with boiled beef and rice in place of the beans, it looked appetizing enough, too 
But at supper, with tea in place of the coffee, and with each plate well filled with 
ripe blackberries to eat with the white bread, and with dishes of brown army 
sugar to pass around among the sweet-toothed, it bordered on the luxurious. 
But where was the soldier that was ever satisfied with his rations ? Not in 
Company D, anyway. Under the leadership of one or two past masters in the 
art, the men growled at even these rations until the cooks threatened to reduce 
themselves to the ranks. This would not do. The Articles of War didn't seem 
to cover the case, providing neither shooting nor hanging for this particular 
offense. When, lo, some one in authority had a bright thought. It was 
adopted, the cooks returned to the ranks, and the leaders in the grumbling 
mutiny, somewhat aghast, found themselves in charge of the cook house. They 
were told that such excellent critics of cookery must needs be good cooks, but 
the argument didn't hold good, though seemingly logical, for they proved not to 
be good cooks ; nay, they were the worst ones D ever had. The men tried to 
swallow their discontent from very shame, but they could not swallow the 
victuals. The discontent became an uproar, with the result that the old cooks 
returned to the cook house, and if the men of D grumbled thereafter beyond 
the wide latitude military custom allows, they took good care to do so, as Cor- 
poral Annis used to smoke, with their heads under their blankets. 

FERNANDINA, FLORIDA. 

The fourth day of June the Eleventh went on board the steamer Boston and 
sailed for Fernandina, Fla., to relieve the 7th New Hampshire. 

Fernandina, a city of two or three thousand inhabitants, is situated on the 
Cumberland Sound side of Amelia Island, a large island off the Florida coast 
particularly, though from Fernandina in sight of a southeastern bit of the State 
of Georgia. 

For four months we garrisoned Amelia Island ; those of the Eleventh that 
did not go from there to Morris Island with I^ieutenant Sellmer of D, who took 
a detachment made up of men from Companies C, E, G and K, to the seige of 
Charleston, they manning the famous Swamp Angel battery. We that were left 
behind at Fernandina, excepting Companies A, stationed at the Railroad Bridge, 
and C, garrisoning Fort Clinch at the mouth of the harbor, were languidly 
occupied for these four months with our camp and picket duties, the picket one 
being the only duty at all arduous. This picket service was entirely confined to 
guarding the railroad that comes into Fernandina from across a bridgeable point 
of the sound. In fact, this was the only way the enemy could get at us except 
by boats, the road running through a series of the swamps, the south half 
of Amelia Island seeming to be formed of hummocks of comparatively dry 
ground. It was on some of these hummocks that our picket posts were stationed, 
on rises of ground in the middle of alligator and snake-invested swamps, where 
a breed of the most sanguinary mosquitoes imaginable filled the air at night to 
an extent that not only made it impossible for a man to sleep, but forced him to 
keep his already net-covered head in a thick smudge of smoke. 

Admiral Ammen says that Amelia Island contributed so little to the purpose 



21 

of the Confederates, that, though they fought for Port Royal, they made us a 
present of AmeHa Island, evacuating it so thoroughly, Fort Clinch and all, that 
but a few rifle shots were fired from thickets on the fleet that captured it. Still, 
whether from pride or wholesome military caution I know not, still our 
commander would have it that we occupied a post of extreme danger, and that 
we were liable to be surprised and overwhelmed by a superior force at any time. 
And one night for some reason yet unknown to me, there came a general alarm, 
routing out all of our little army, even the peaceful camp guard being aroused 
from its slumbers and its sergeant ordered to fall his men in and follow the com- 
mander of the post. The commander led us to the road that runs from Fernandina 
to Old Town (once the Fernandina itself), near Fort Clinch, and we followed him 
into the swamp that lies between the old and the new towns, a swamp that 
is an impassable jungle of trees and tangled grape vines, the haunt of alligators 
and snakes and the breeding place of the most blood-thirsty breed of mosquitoes 
I ever had fasten upon me, led us down into the head of the narrow corduroy 
road running across this swamp, and bade us stand there and hold the pass at all 
hazards, for all I now remember throwing out a few encouraging words about 
the fame of Thermopyle and the Immortal Three Hundred, then turned and rode 
away towards Fernandina, with his orderly dangling at his heels, leaving us in 
the midst of a dense and ever-thickening cloud of bayonet-billed mosquitoes. 

The enemy ? Suppose he was to land at Old Town, take Fort Clinch, and 
put Captain Nickels and its garrison to the sword, must we stand there and be 
eaten alive for a little thing like that ? Not if we knew it. We forthwith re- 
solved ourselves into a council of war, with the result that we marched ourselves 
to the high'land overlooking the swamp, where the night breeze swept the pur- 
suing mosquitoes back into their haunts. Then, after stationing a guard 
between us and Fernandina to prevent our alert commander from surprising us, 
we went into bivouac, confident that our danger did not lie towards Fort Clinch, 
for neither loyal nor rebel was yet so desperate as to tread that stretch of mos- 
quito, alligator, snake-infested swamp road in the darkness of a moonless night. 
After some weeks spent on this, then isolated island, where a mail steamer from 
Port Royal put in only about once in three weeks, and no other vessel, except 
the gunboat cruising on the Cumberland Sound station, ever put in except when 
forced to by an extraordinary Atlantic gale, the Eleventh was relieved by the 97th 
Pennsylvania, and October 6th went on board the Boston again to proceed to 
Morris Island, that it might take part in the seige of Charleston. 

MORRIS ISLAND. 

Morris Island is but a strip of white sand on the Atlantic Ocean, at the 
mouth of Charleston Harbor. It runs north and south nearly, and is about four 
miles long. Its broad southerly end lying well out of the range of the enemy's 
fire, served as a camp-ground for troops not actively engaged in the siege and for 
headquarter and depot purposes. Narrowing as it approaches Sumter, till Fort 
Wagner completely barred all further progress at fairly high water, the island 
ends in a hooked projection known as Cummings' Point. It was on this point 



22 

that Beauregard built Battery Gregg as long ago as when Sumter was forlornly 
garrisoned by Major Anderson. 

From Cummings' Point it is but 1300 yards to Sumter, due northwest, and 
but four miles to Charleston City, looking about directly west across the bay, 
and is but about a mile and a half across to the batteries on Sullivan's Island, 
where Moultrie and its batteries la}^ beyond Sumter and to its east Sullivan's 
Island running about east for a short distance and then bearing rapidly towards 
the northeast, the north end of Morris pointing to about the western end of 
Sullivan's. To the west of the upper part of Morris Island, across a marshy tide- 
way, through which flows Vincent Creek, James Island points a blunt end to 
Morris, the length of James forming the southern boundar}^ line of Charleston 
Harbor. Outside of James, on the Atlantic, and separated from James by the 
Stono River, lies Folly Island, with Black Island wedged in between Folly, 
James and Morris. 

When we reached Morris Island the tragedy of the siege was over, the 
whole of the island was in Union possession, and Wagner and Gregg were being 
rebuilt from the wreck occasioned by the terrible bombardment they had under- 
gone, were being turned and armed to operate on the enemy's batteries on James 
and Sullivan's Islands, Sumter standing no longer as the chief, though still as 
an important factor in the problem of getting into Charleston, it having been 
battered from its aggresive symmetry into a silent, crumbling ruin. But from 
something like sentimental reasons it was still considered the central point of 
offense and defense, the rebel flag still flying defiantly over its ruined bastions, 
the garrison burrowing in bomb proofs that every shrieking shell of ours but 
added to the strength of, crumbling and tumbling the broken stone work in 
yet deeper depths above them. From these burrows they watched for night 
sallies from shore and fleet, and by the aid of the enfilading fire of the guns of 
James and Sullivan's Islands, succeeded in beating all off that were made upon them. 

As the fatigue parties worked with shovel and spade in the sand of Fort 
Wagner and of Battery Gregg, the lookouts on the parapets would see a round 
cloud of white smoke fly into the air, from James Island perhaps. Then, with a 
cry of "James Island," they would leap from the parapets to cover, while the 
busy shovelers would scatter for shelter, instinctively taking cover under the 
sand walls next James Island till the projectile, shot or shell, from gun or mor- 
tar, had exploded and the fragments had buried themselves deep in the sand. 
Or, the cry might be " Sullivan," then the cover was sought for under the sand 
walls next that island. As soon as the danger was over, all rushed back to their 
work again. But sometimes this enfilading fire would become so vigorous a one 
as to force the men to quit work for a time and take shelter in the great bomb 
proofs and magazines, built of squared logs, banked and heaped with such 
depths of sand that even the fifteen-inch shells of the ironclads has failed to make 
any impression on them during their bombardment. All this time our own 
batteries on Morris Island were keeping up a steady fire upon Sumter and the 
other rebel fortifications, the fleet taking advantage of good weather to leave 
their stations outside the rebel line of fire to steam in and join in the roaring 
chorus. 



23 

Our regiment was encamped in the shelter of some sand hills about half way 
down the island. From this camp details of men for fatigue duty were sent to 
the upper part of the island to take part in the fortification building going on 
there, D men with the rest. But in a short time a number of D were detailed to 
serve as artillerymen in Battery Chatfield, a work on Cummings' Point, and so 
many of D were in this detail that it may be said that the Company was on 
artillery service in the mortar battery of Chatfield, where, under Lieutenant 
Sellmer's practical tuition, they soon became able heavy artillerymen. The men 
of C, E, G and K, who had served with lyieutenant Sellmer in the Swamp 
Angel Batter}', were in this detail also. 

Our battery work was mainly directed against ruined Sumter. Day after 
day we trained the mortars on that crumbling fortress, sending their ten-inch 
shells high in the air to drop into Sumter and burst there. After a .shot was 
fired it was watched by lyieutenant Sellmer through glasses, and its effect noted, 
whether it fell into the fort or outside of it, whether it burst in the air or after 
striking its objective point, the men at work in the magazine filling the flannel 
bags each charge of powder weighed out was enclosed in, receiving orders to put 
in more or less powder as the Lieutenant noted the effects of the shots, and those 
cutting the fuses receiving their orders to cut them shorter or longer from the 
same observations. As Lieutenant Sellmer observ-ed the effects of the shots. 
Lieutenant Charles H. Foster of Company K, detailed to assist Lieutenant 
Sellmer, as he had in the Swamp Angel Battery, would note on a prepared form 
the results given him by Lieutenant Sellmer, so keeping a tabulated statement of 
each day's work during 'its progress, the number of shots fired and their individ- 
ual results. 

Sometimes these results were plain to all of us. A shot would fall into the 
fort and a whirl of flying fragments of stone or a leaping barbette caisson would 
tell us just where it had struck, and just what its effect was, and a few times 
we succeeded in our unceasing endeavor to bowl the rebel flag down. But to the 
credit of the garrison of Sumter, it must be said, that no sooner was it down than 
some brave fellow would mount to the parapet and .set it flying again. 

There is rarely any great loss of life through artillery firing. While the 
singing of minie balls has an ominous sound in the ears of the most hardened 
veteran, the roar of a battery, except at close quarters, when throwing grape and 
canister, is not very alarming to him. Why, at the great artillery duel of 
White Oak Swamp, in June, 1862, our loss, except in artillerymen, was slight, 
and the artillerymen killed and wounded were mostly picked off by the rebel 
sharpshooters, while General "Dick" Taylor, who commanded the Confederate 
troops immediately across the bridge, says that severe as was our fire, their loss 
from shells was but a small one. So, in all the wild uproar at the siege of 
Charleston, our loss from flying shells was ridiculously small, viewed from the 
standpoint of infantry engagements, the careful watch the outlooks kept from the 
parapets, the facility for shelter, and the promptness of the men in getting into 
safe places, saving many lives and limbs. But there were several narrow 
escapes, and some curious ones too. How shall we account for that of Lieutenant 
Foster, who after remaining comfortably .seated for hours upon an empty am- 



24 

munition box on the parapet of Chatfield, entirely ignoring the fast coming shots 
of the enemy, suddenly rose and stepped off the parapet, and just as he stepped 
off it, the box he had been seated on went into the air, struck by a piece of 
shell ! And that of Private Darling, who, working at a mortar, suddenly stepped 
backwards just in time to save himself from, being cut in two by the whistling 
copper bottom of a Brooks' rifle shell that went flying right across the spot he had 
just stood on. But it was not all so bloodless. One day, the 8th of December, 
a mortar shell struck the magazine of Chatfield in its weakest spot, and went 
crashing into it. For a moment we outside the magazine were panic stricken, 
expecting the immediate bursting of the shell and the blowing up of the magazine, 
in which we had many barrels of powder stored. But fortunately the shell was 
so surrounded with the tons of sand that povLred into the magazine with it, that 
its bursting flame was completely smothered and did not touch a grain of our 
powder. We hastened to dig our buried men out, and found Corporal Albee, of 

C, killed by a piece of the shell. Private Kimball, of E, mortally wounded, and 
Sergeant Howard, of K, Corporal Bearce and Privates Maddox and Bragdon, of 

D, more or less severely injured. 

We worked at our batteries during the day only, as a rule, returning to the 
regimental camp each night, leaving the batteries to be defended from any attempt 
of the enemy to occupy them by the heavy and light guns of direct fire, and by 
the infantry force that was marched up the island each night and ensconced in 
the bomb proofs of Wagner and Gregg. But such an attack never came, the 
Confederates contenting themselves with long range demonstrations, though 
frequently indulging in a heavy night shelling of our works, as if to cover a 
landing. 

At these times the air would be full of artillery pyrotechnics, the flaring of 
bursting shells, and the sparkling arcs of mortar shells with their flaming fuses, 
described by an old writer as appearing in the night to be " fiery meteors with 
flaming tails, most beautifully brilliant." A fine exhibition for those out of 
range. 

In December, reenlistments began from among the original men of the 
regiment, though they had a year yet to serve, proving to us that the govern- 
ment had settled down into the conviction that the war was far from being near 
its end. Many of D put their names on the reenlistment roll. 

lyater on, the 23d of January, 1864, D, with B, entered Fort Wagner as part of 
its garrison. It was really a sort of going into winter quarters — without the 
winter — for you could lie out of doors, under one blanket, in the nights of 
December and January, and sleep as comfortably as a soldier need to. 

The siege of Charleston was really abandoned by now, and the troops that 
had been engaged in it were only held in hand until the time should come for 
them to go to Virginia to engage in graver operations. 

Though regularly trained to use the thirty-two and the one-hundred pound 
Parrot guns Wagner was mainly armed with, we did not fire them often now 
except for range practice, or to send a shell now and then shrieking into 
Charleston. We usually aimed at the tall white steeple of St. Michael's Church, 
the most prominent object in the foreground of the city, and a most useful one to 



2.5 

the Confederates, for a bright light kept burning at night from this steeple served 
as a guide to blockade runners. Getting the light within a certain range of one 
on Sumter and they could keep the channel and glide safely into the harbor. 
Not always, though. Early one foggy morning, that of February 2d, just after 
daybreak, a sentry called the attention of the sergeant of the guard to a patch of 
harder color in the soft atmospheric gray of the fog bank that lay between us 
and Sullivan's Island. A hasty inspection and a .sudden lift of the fog showed 
us that there was a blockade runner fa.st ashore under Moultrie. 

The alarm was quickly given, and in a few minutes a hundred-pound shell 
was whirling through the fog at the grounded blockade runner, the powerful 
impact of the shell serving to lift the fog enough to show us the lead colored 
vessel, with hundreds of men swarming in and out of it, engaged in a desperate 
attempt to unload freight before the Yankees should discover her presence. 
There was a wild scattering at the sound of the coming shell, the runner was 
left to serve us as a target, and we sent shell after shell into her until she was 
but a wreck. 

Our Confederate friends would still favor us with a serenade of shot and shell 
in spite of our peaceful demeanor. And once or twice they did this so vigor- 
ousl}^ as to cause the commanding general to think they were really on the 
point of attacking us with infantry. Beauregard says that he made one of these 
night bombardments to give our commander just that idea to cover his own with- 
drawal of troops to Florida to General Finegan, about the time the battle of 
Olustee was fought in that state. Regiments of our troops would then come 
to Wagner to stand at the parapets all night, while we artillerymen worked the 
guns to keep down the enemy's fire. It was in one of these bombardments, that 
of Christmas night, that Private lyafiin, of D, was so badly wounded, a piece of 
shell striking the bayonets of some stacked rifles, one of the pieces of shattered 
steel penetrating a leg. 

This night our gunners paid particular attention to Charleston, I remember, 
throwing shells into that city until a large fire broke out in it, and then throwing 
shells at the glare of the fire. The men fighting the fire in the city, largely 
colored non-combatants probably, would succeed in getting the flames somewhat 
under control. We could see them lower and lessen, then they would suddenly 
flare up bright and red again, telling us that the screech of one of our going 
shells had driven the fire fighters to cover. 

A "cruel war" it was, especially to non-combatants that circumstances of 
situation or greed placed in dangerous positions. Just think of the terror the 
enterprising sutler must have been in who had pitched a big tent outside of 
Fort Wagner that none of our boys having money need go without such delicacies 
as pickled pig's feet, canned condensed milk, ginger cakes, strong butter and 
slabby skim milk cheese, just think of the terror he must have been in when he 
would leave all these precious goods to destruction for the sake of his unexpect- 
edly endangered person. 

For a few days after his arrival he did a thriving business, then came one of 
the nights of heavy bombardment from James and SuUivansIslands. In the 
morning the tent was still on the beach, but with certain suggestive looking 



26 

holes in it. An investigation showed a medley of goods shattered and piled into 
a chaotic mass by invading shells, but the sutler was not to be found. He did 
not appear to us again, but it was said that he evacuated his bed and fled to 
the lower extremity of the island, as the first shell broke unceremoniously in 
upon his private apartment. That afternoon men came with an army wagon 
and carried away what Lieutenant Nel Norris would call the ' ' debris ' ' of boxes 
and barrels with what little remained of the stock of goods. That 
there was little besides shattered boxes and barrels to cart away, may be 
somewhat due to the fact that the men of D and B had been busily engaged 
during the forenoon in buying goods in the absence of their frightened owner. 

At last the time came for leaving Morris Island. The reenlisted men had 
gone away on their veteran furlough, and finally D and B rejoined the regiment, 
which had been camping on Black Island since early in February. The 
Elev^enth proceeded to Hilton Head, from where it sailed away with other troops 
the 2ist day of April for a point on the York River, Virginia, from where 
our fleet had sailed a little more than a year before for the purpose of capturing 
Charleston. That the attempt had been a failure is to be attributed largely 
perhaps to the route of approach chosen. Beauregard says that there were three 
routes of attack from the sea, and that Morris Island was the worst of the three. 
He says that had we effected a lodgment on James Island instead, and have 
overcome the garrison there, as we did that of Morris Island, we had but to 
erect batteries within such easy distance of Charleston as to make it untenable, 
and as we would also be in the rear of their outer line of defense, they would 
have been obliged to evacuate Sumter, Moultrie and Wagner, and give up the 
city. That a similarly successful descent upon Sullivan's Island would have 
given the control of the inner harbor to the fire of our ironclads, with a similar 
result. But that when we had Morris Island, our occupation of it neither 
involved the evacuation of Sumter and the other forts, the destruction of the 
city by a direct fire, nor the control of Confederate movements in the inner harbor 
by the ironclad fleet. Be this as it may, beyond the destruction of Sumter, and the 
taking of Wagner, little had been accomplished, and we left Charleston and its 
defenses much as we had found them, the fleet riding outside the bar, the rebel 
flags still flying over Sumter, Sullivan's and James, Charleston still in the 
distance, now as exultantly defiant as it had been sullenly so in the height of 
the siege. 

THE CAMPAIGN OF 1 864. 

The regiment arrived at Yorktown, Va., April 24th, and landing at Glouces- 
ter Point, on the opposite bank of the York River, went into camp. Here the 
reenlisted men rejoined the regiment from "veteran" furlough, bringing with 
them 176 stalwart recruits. These new recruits were distributed through the 
companies, and though almost without drill or preliminarj^ discipline, they 
marched, fought, bled and died in the rough campaign of '64 as manfully as did 
the seasoned veterans they strove in their pride to emulate, both in bravery 
and endurance. 

Yorktown was a very familiar spot to most of us. It stood just across the 



27 

York River from our camp, on a high blufF-like shore, and still surrounded by 
the earthworks captured from Magruder, turned and strengthened by ourselves ; 
grass-grown in the months that had passed since we sailed away from them. 

The plains below the town, where the camps of our brigade had been, were 
now white with the tents of a part of the troops of the newly organized army of 
the James. This new military organization was composed of the Tenth Corps, 
drawn from the troops in South Carolina, consisting of three divisions, com- 
manded by Generals Terry, Turner and Ames ; the Eighteenth Corps of three 
divisions too, commanded by Generals Brooks, Weitzel and Hinks ; and of a 
cavalry division commanded by General Kautz. These corps were commanded 
respectively by Major-Generals Q. A. Gillmore and W. F. " Baldy " Smith, the 
whole army by Major-General Benjamin F. Butler. 

Our regiment was in the Third Brigade of Terry's Division. The other 
regiments of the brigade were the 24th Massachusetts, loth Connecticut, and the 
looth New York. 

BKRMUDA HUNDRED. 

On the night of the 4th of May the transports the army had embarked on 
set sail for Fortress Monroe, and on the 5th moved up the James River, 
reaching Bermuda Hundred the afternoon of the 5th, and by morning of the 6th 
had disembarked. Bermuda Hundred is a peninsula, made b}^ a sweep of the 
James River to the east and by its tributary, the Appomattox. It is at the mouth 
of the latter river, on its north bank. City Point lying opposite it on the south 
bank. Petersburgh is twelve miles up the Appomattox on its south bank, and 
Richmond twenty-three miles north of Petersburgh, directly connected by a 
railroad and turnpike. 

On the morning of the 6th of May our disembarked forces advanced to the 
neck of the peninsula, about six miles from the landing. This neck is here 
about three miles across from river to river, two miles and a half beyond our 
halting point the railroad runs, the pike running between. The ground we took 
up was superficially intrenched at first, the plan not looking to a protracted stay 
there, but to an advance on the railroad and pike, the taking of Petersburgh and 
a march on Richmond and its southern communications The force ready to 
oppose us was a small one, no larger than our brigade, and our army numbered 
some 30,000 men. But before vigorous steps were taken to capture Peters- 
burgh, it had been reinforced by troops hurried forward from North Carolina by 
General Beauregard, our old opponent of the Department of the South, now in 
command of the Department of North Carolina and Southern Virginia. It was the 
head of this reinforcing column that successfully held Port Walthall Junction the 7th 
of May against a portion of our army. On the 9th we moved out to the front 
and destroyed the railroad between Swift Creek and Chester Station, a length 
of about six miles. On the loth, the Confederate General, Ransom attacked 
this outlying force, but was repulsed. On the 12th we moved towards 
Richmond, Smith's corps on the right and ours on the left. We did not meet 
with any serious resistance this day. At night our line camped on Proctor's 
Creek. On the 14th we meet with more resistance. Smith found the works in 



28 

his front too strong to be assaulted, but our corps moving to turn the enemy's 
right, resting on Wooldridge Hill, succeeding in forcing them to abandon their 
position there, and by night of the 15th we had driven them out of their whole 
outer line and into their interior one, and we were in position before Drury Bluff. 
But while we had been moving so slowly, Beauregard had been acting with such 
rapidity that he was now in the Drury' s Bluff intrenchments with an army 
gathered from North Carolina and Richmond, and felt so strong that on the 
morning of the 1 6th he assumed the offensive, attacking Smith's right flank in 
the early morning, and capturing General Heckman and some hundreds of his 
brigade. Beauregard's plan miscarried somewhat, or he might have ended the 
career of the army of the James before it had fairly begun. He intended to get 
around our flank, while General Whiting should move out from Petersburgh 
with 5,000 men and attack our rear. His attack against Heckman was successful, 
but the other attacks on Smith's line failed, though the rebels captured four 
pieces of artillery, but his attacks on the line of our corps were all repulsed. 
Still we were pressed back, partly by the numerical force thrown against us and 
partly from our anxiety to cover our trains and keep our connections with 
Bermuda Hundred, where we had left but a small force. By night our 
army had given back until the rebels occupied their whole outer line again, but 
Whiting's force failing to advance, Beauregard could not press his advantage as 
he wished to, and before morning our whole force was safely behind the Bermuda 
Hundred intrenchments. The truth is that General Whiting was not a 
prohibitionist by any means, and this day of all daj^s in his military career, he 
chose to exemplify that fact by getting drunk. Colonel Logan, of General 
Beauregard's staff, who took General Whiting written orders to move out the 
morning of the i6th, delivered them to him the night of the 15th, and was with 
General Whiting when on the morning of the i6th, beginning at daylight, he 
made his advance. Striking the Union picket line, his force was placed in line 
of battle, but made no advance during the day, in spite of Colonel Logan's 
expostulations and those of General D. H. Hill, " spending the day in arranging 
and rearranging his line," according to Colonel Logan, who does not doubt but 
had General Whiting followed his instructions the result would have been the 
capture of the entire force of General Butler. 

Company D had not yet been actively engaged. It had been under fire a 
number of times though, quite enough to show the good stuff its new men were 
made of. It had taken an active part in tearing up the railroad, and had done 
a little long range skirmishing in which its only casualty was Private Annis, 
wounded on the 14th ; but I think that the members of it who had been in the 
most serious danger were those on the picket line the night of the 13th. 

The picket line of this night was in charge of Captain Mudgett. In running 
it he placed some of us before the open grounds in which stood the house before 
which Lieutenant Brannen, of Company I, was killed, and then by some devious 
piloting placed another line between us and our line of battle, a bit of duplication 
that was decidedly unpleasant to us of the outer picket line, for the Confederates 
were terribly uneasy that night, firing heavily all along their apparently very 
strong picket line, we replying, of course, but — zip^ zip, in front of us was all 



29 

very well, but where did the bullets that flew around us from the rear come 
from ? The unpleasant fact speedily dawned on us that a picket line lay behind 
us firing too at the Confederate rifle flashes, as they supposed, but really at our 
own, so that we poor fellows were between two fires. To attempt to go back to 
expostulate with the pickets behind us was impossible, for the inevitable crash- 
ing through the underbrush between us and them would concentrate sure death 
upon the messenger. So all we could do then was to stay where we were, cease 
firing, and lay low. This last we did literally, lying flat on the ground while 
the bullets zipped viciously back and forth over us, one every now and then 
striking this or that side of a tree with a suggestive spat. 

But Private Day would fire, to lie still and be shot at was contrary to his 
nature. Every once in a while his gun would bang from his position on the left 
of the line, giving the enemy in front and the line behind us a range by which 
to pelt us most dangerously. Again and again I had to go down the line and 
expostulate with John, but it was of no use, and at last I was forced to take my 
position with him and by sheer ill-temper keep him repressed, while he foamed 
with wrath at the idea of being compelled to lie still and silent to be shot at. 

The night of the 15th our regiment took a position on the extreme left, 
where we threw up a sort of intrenchment in anticipation of an attack. But in 
the morning the heavy firing and the shouting told us that the other flank was 
the one attacked. We remained in our position a short time in the thick fog, 
hastily getting coffee boiling and the inner man strengthened for what seemed to 
be a coming day's work. Soon an order came for us to move to a position in 
support of the assailed line. As we moved rapidly along the line, we passed 
General Terry's headquarters, a small house, out of which the General rushed in 
his shirt-sleeves to admonish us to double quick "for God's sake." Then, 
striking a paiiting gait, we soon took position under a heavy fire. 

Here we lay watching the give-and-take going on in front of us, expecting 
each minute to be obliged to fill a gap, but instead we were suddenly ordered to 
march rapidly to the rear and push down the pike toward Petersburgh till we 
should meet the supposed to be approaching Whiting. 

And we did march rapidly. The fog was long gone, and the sun was 
beating down hot and strong. Men fell right and left, not bullet struck, but 
sun-struck. Caps were filled with green leaves, handkerchiefs were soaked in 
water and tied around swelling temples, but still it was "Forward," "Forward." 
The desperate pace seemed endless, but at last we were halted, formed in a 
strong skirmish line, and moved through woods till we reached a creek where 
we awaited the Confederate advance. 

We could hear them talking and moving beyond the creek, but for reasons 
now known to you, they did not cross it. We remained in this position until 
night, then by a circuitous route, down one ravine and up another, under the 
piloting of Ivieutenant Newcomb and Sergeant Payne we stole away, and soon 
found ourselves behind the outworks of Bermuda Hundred. 

The 17th of May was passed by the men in necessary recuperation, and by 
the commanding officers in a rearrangement of lines, now looking to defense. 
That night the pickets at Warebottom Church reported a movement down the 



30 

pike. The sound of trampling horses and the rattling of heav}- wagons came 
clearly to their ears. It was conjectured that a wagon train was moving down 
the pike from Richmond to Petersburgh, and it was determined to attack it. 
Troops were hurried from the inner lines to the front, and the Eleventh was 
formed in line of battle and moved through the woods toward the pike. As it 
was a bright moonlight night, and the woods were fairly clear of underbrush, 
this movement was rapidly made, but suddenly, click, click, all along in front 
came the sound of cocking guns, and as our men threw themselves upon the 
ground, a crash of musketry came from a line of battle the Eleventh had almost 
run into. For an hour fierce firing was kept up by both sides, a battery of 
artillery- on ours, placed near the church, adding not a little to the uproar by 
throwing shells over our heads. At last, when our ammunition had become 
exhausted, and while the men, their blood up, where clamoring for a fresh 
supply, orders came to fall back. 

The wagon train proved to be Beauregard's trains and batteries moving 
down from Richmond, and well sheltered from us by a strong line of battle. 

Of D, Private Carver received a severe flesh wound in this affair and Private 
George L- Butler was mortally wounded, the loss of the regiment numbering 
26 men. 

The 20th of May the enemy made a most determined but entirely 
unsuccessful attack on our outer line. We were not engaged, however. It was 
this day that the rebel General Walker was wounded and captured. 

Only heavy skirmishing took place for some days after this, the night firing 
between pickets being especially continuous. During this comparative lull, and 
accounting for it partly, the enemy was building the Howlett House line, 
extending from the Howlett House Hill on the James to the Appomattox, by 
this line of intrenchments effecting the famous " bottling up process," and most 
effectually protecting their lines of communication between Richmond and 
Petersburgh. 

As soon as General Grant learned of the futile I'esult of Butler's movement, 
from which he had hoped so much, the destruction of Confederate communica- 
tion with North Carolina, the investment of Richmond, and the consequent 
withdrawal of a large body of Eee's army from his own front, he directed that 
all the troops not actually needed to hold Bermuda Hundred be sent to him under 
command of General Smith. In consequence of this order, 16,000 of our army 
with 16 guns embarked the night of the 28th, and the 29th sailed for White 
House Eanding on the York River, leaving a force of about 15,000 infantry and 
cavalry in the Bermuda Hundred intrenchments. 

At about the same time General Eee ordered Beauregard to send him all the 
men he, too, could spare, which he did, retaining about 12,000 infantry and 
cavalry. There seems to have been a desire on the part of General Eee that 
still more of Beauregard's force be sent to him ; even that Beauregard 
himself should go to him with all his available troops and take command of the 
right wing of Eee's army, leaving Petersburgh with a small force to take care of 
itself. But Beauregard was tenacious in his determination to hold his position 
on the south side of the James, and to keep his lines of intrenchments strongly 



31 

manned. He argned that Butler's force was still large enough to endanger 
Petersburgh, even against the force he had retained, and it was to test this 
theory that he made the reconnoissance in force on the 2d of June which proved 
so disastrous to Compau}- D. 

The regiment went on picket duty the evening of June ist, D taking position 
at Warebottom Church. The pickets had by this time settled into a state 
of armed neutrality, the more venturesome of them even trading in coffee and 
tobacco. Private Bridges, of D, was especially active in this sort of barter. He 
frequently went across the strip of ground that lay between the picket lines to 
drive lively trades with the enemy for tobacco, which was scarce with us, barter- 
ing coffee therefor, which was scarce with them. 

Private Bridges, " Old Turk " as he was called, was a character. A half 
surly look in his eyes, something like that in those of a half tamed steer, caused 
him to receive the bucolic nick-name. He had ideas of his own about guns ; the 
Springfield rifles we were armed with he despised. He wanted a gun that would 
carry a bullet to the spot he aimed at. Somewhere, at Gloucester Point I think, 
he got hold of a sporting rifle, a heavy, thick barrelled, strongly grooved piece, 
and then the bother was to get suitable ammunition for it, our cartridges being 
much too large for its bore. After a deal of wandering through camps, he 
secured, through a good-natured cavalryman, a suitable cartridge for his gun, a 
carbine cartridge that fitted it perfectly. With a stock of these in his cartridge 
box he was ready for the enemy. Of course the carrying of this gun had to be 
winked at by his officers, and when he went on inspection, parade or guard duty 
he had to borrow a despised Springfield rifle from some one off dut}^ to appear 
with, giving rise to a lately heard of story of his carrying two guns. 

This evening of the ist of June, Corporal Weymouth made himself the 
medium of exchange between the pickets. 

He went towards the rebel picket line in the early evening and was met b}- 
one of their number whom he arranged to meet at the same spot in the early 
morning for the exchange of goods agreed upon. 

The night was a moonless one, I remember, for, as we were not allowed fires, 
or to light matches on the outposts, when we wanted to learn the time of night 
we had to catch a fire-fly and make him crawl across the face of a watch, that 
when he flashed we might catch the positions of the hands. In the early part of 
the night the rebel batteries opened on our lines, firing most vigorously for a 
time, but as we did not reply they ceased firing after about one hour. It is 
probable that it was Beauregard's purpose to aggravate our batteries into 
replying that he might gather an idea of their positions and the number of their 
guns. 

Morning came at last and the daylight broke. As soon as the light was 
.strong enough to see clearly. Lieutenant Maxfield made a tour along the line of 
D, from right to left. He found Corporal Weymouth wide awake and in 
readiness to go out to meet his rebel friend when he should appear coming over 
the rebel works, 

" There he is. Corporal," said some one as a form darted over the rebel line. 
" But he has a gun in his hand," Weymouth answered, and sure enough 



32 

Lieutenant Maxfield saw that the man thej^ were looking at had a gun in his 
hand, and that he was accompained by a long line of other gray clad men, 
reaching out from his right and left, all with guns in their hands, too, and all 
moving swiftly toward our works. 

In a moment the Lieutenant had shouted the alarm to his men, and as the 
sharp word of command rang out, every man, were he asleep or awake, sprang 
to his feet, every gun was to a cheek, and a rapid and effective fire was opened upon 
the now swiftly approaching enemy. So sure and cool were our men, far from 
being surprised, that in less than a minute the long line of the enemy in front 
of D was gone, those of them not fallen back to cover, lying on the ground 
dead or dying, the not too desperately wounded slowly crawling for spots 
sheltered from our fire. 

The new rifle of Private Bridges was especially effective that morning every 
shot from it seeming to tell. His usually half closed e3^es were wide open now 
and sparkling with joy. As he fired he would peer after his flying shot, and 
" I have hit him," he would triumphantly shout, and then proceed to reload his 
rifle with cool care. We were jubilant, for we had beaten the enemy off, but we 
speedily found that the pickets on our left had not been so fortunate. We could 
see them falling hastily back, and then over the open space before us that we had 
just cleared of one rebel skirmish line, a heavier one came rushing. 

We fell back to a reserve pit on the run, entering it pell mell. Here we 
found Captain Lawrence and his company, H, and at his command a smart fire 
was opened on the pursuing enemy, driving them to cover. But unfortunately 
there was an unoccupied reserve pit to our rear and left that the enemy entered, 
and from which they poured a galling fire on our rear. Captain Lawrence, as 
commander of our little force, was ably assisted by Lieutenant Thompson of his 
own company, and by Lieutenant Maxfield, of D. These officers exposed 
themselves recklessly while urging the men to keep up their fire on the enemy in 
their front, not forgetting those in the reserve pit behind us. 

Of course we could not stay where we were unless we proposed to go to 
Richmond before its evacuation. A hasty council of war was held by the officers, 
and it was agreed that the plan should be to fight desperately until a lull in the 
attack should give an opportunity to gain the woods behind us, then that we 
should break for it with a sudden and combined rush that would carry us right 
through the enemy of the reserve pit should they sally out as we ran by them, 
which we must, and within a few feet of them. The rebels in our front made 
several vain rushes at us. Once a sergeant of theirs led his men almost to the 
muzzles of the guns on the left, at a moment too, when the most of the guns there 
were uncharged. Corporal Weymouth was on the extreme left, "shoot that 
sergeant, Weymouth," was shrieked at him, and like lightning Weymouth's gun 
was pointing straight at the gallant rebel, and Weymouth's sharp eye was looking 
down the barrel as if to give the death stroke. Even rebel human nature 
probably fighting for a commission could not stand it, and the sergeant turned 
and fled, his men flying with him, not knowing that Weymouth's gun was as 
empty as a last year's bird's nest. 

A movement of the rebels in our front that checked the fire of their men in 



the reserve pit indicated a sudden onslaught. The moment for retiring had come, 
"now, all together," said Lieutenant Maxfield, as he ran along to the left, 
" pour it into them when Captain Lawrence shouts 'fire,' and then run for the 
woods," " Fire," the order came, a crash of rifles answered it, and then we ran 
like deer for the sheltering timber. 

The enemy in the reserve pit was nonplused for a moment, for it looked as 
if we were charging straight upon them, but catching the idea in a moment they 
arose and poured a sharp fire into us as we ran by. Within a minute those of us 
not killed, made prisoners, or too badly wounded to be carried off the field, 
had rejoined the Eleventh, which we found in line of battle not. many rods in 
rear of the scene of our desperate defence. 

Of D, Private Bridges was killed in the reserve pit, Sergeant Brady, Corporal 
Bailey, Privates Conforth, Moses E. Sherman, Smith, Dawe, Dyer and Bragdon 
were wounded. Captain Mudgett, Sergeant Blake, Privates Bryant, Kelley and 
Bolton were prisoners, Private Bolton having been too badly wounded to be taken 
from the field. Of these prisoners all were eventually exchanged and discharged, 
except Private Kelly, who died in Andersonville Prison. 

We find it reported that of Company H, Privates Cumner and Rogers were 
killed, and that Lieutenant Thompson and Private Green were wounded. The 
loss of the Regiment for the day was 41 in killed, wounded and prisoners. 
Lieutenant-Colonel SpofFord, who was in command of the Regiment, was mortally 
wounded before the line was broken and the command then devolved on Captain 
Hill, of K, shortly Major and then Lieutenant-Colonel, and from this day on the 
most conspicuous commanding officer the Regiment ever had. 

The picket skirmishing that had died out to a large extent during the last 
week in May, became continuous again from this attack of June 2d. Our own 
Regiment when not on the picket line engaged in this desultory sort of warfare, 
was lying in line of battle behind the heavy inner works of Bermuda Hundred, 
consisting of strong redans, or batteries, connected by infantry parapets, all with 
stout abl?^atis in front, and with slashings wherever possible, and from 
Beauregard's report, his men lay behind their somewhat similar works as 
anxiously as we did behind ours, both we and they in continual expectation of 
an assault. The truth is that both Butler and Beauregard were afraid that 
their long and thinly manned lines might be assaulted and carried at any moment, 
each knowing his own weakness full well, and magnifying the strength of his 
opponent. 

Beauregard had the best ground for his fears. As the strongest numerically 
and occupying the inner and therefore the shorter lines of the opposing works, 
and with a strong fleet of gunboats in the river to fall back to the shelter of in 
case of disaster, the initiative belonged to us. And indeed a force did move out 
from our line the gth of June to attack Petersburgh. General Gillmore with 
3,000 infantry, accompained by General Kautz with 1,500 cavalry, crossed the 
Appomattox on the ponton bridge at Port Walthall in the early morning. 
Gillmore moved out on the City Point Road, and Kautz moved to the left four 
or five miles to reach the Jerusalem Plank Road. Gillmore finding the works 
before him strong ones, and apparently well manned, did not attempt to assault 



34 

them, returning to Bermuda Hundred that afternoon. Kautz attacked on the 
plank road with indifferent success at first, but finally flanked the enemy's line, 
forcing them out of their ranks, then marched on the city, but reinforcements 
coming to the enemy and Gillmore not supporting him, Kautz was forced to 
withdraw. But more formidable opposing forces than were those of Butler and 
Beauregard, forces commanded perhaps by greater cheiftains than they, too, 
were now moving to the position of which Petersburgh was the central figure, 
now to become the most important position of the war. 

Before the battle of Cold Harbor was fought by the Army of the Potomac 
and the portion of the Army of the James sent to Grant under General Smith, 
Grant had about given up all hope of breaking through lyce's defence on the north 
side of the James, and had planned, if this last effort failed, to move across the 
James to a position before Petersburgh, hoping to be able to move so 
unexpectedly to lyce as to effect the capture of Petersburgh, the turning of 
Beauregard's Bermuda Hundred line, and to cut off Confederate communication 
with North Carolina before L,ee should realize Grant's object sufficiently to 
checkmate it by throwing the Army of Northern Virginia across the James and 
into the Confederate intrenchments at Bermuda Hundred and Petersburgh in 
time to save them. The part of the Army of the James under General Smith 
marched to White House, reembarked and sailed for Bermuda Hundred, arriving 
in the afternoon of June 14th. Smith's force crossed the Appomatox by the 
ponton bridge at Broadway lyanding, two miles from Port Walthall and eight 
from Petersburgh. Assaulting the works they found in their front, they succeeded 
in carrying a long line of them. Divisions of the Army of the Potomac began 
to reach Smith's position that afternoon, crossing the James on a ponton bridge 
laid down from Wilcox Landing on the north side and Windmill Point on the 
south, just below City Point, but owing to the exhaustion of troops, missent 
orders, and various other causes, the success of the forenoon was not followed up, 
and the i6th and 17th were spent by our forces there in making assaults on the 
strong and, though mainly defended by artillery, still well defended rebel works. 
The results were varying during these two days, but without our gaining a 
position of sufficent strength to enable our columns to overcome the defence of 
the 1 8th, when Beauregard's small, almost exhausted and somewhat pro- 
visional army was heavily reenforced by Lee's veteran troops. 

During this time we were holding the lines of Bermuda Hvmdred, in hourlj^ 
expectation on the 1 6th and 17th of the Army of Northern Virginia assaulting 
us, it having to pass so near us in moving down the pike and the Richmond 
and Petersburgh^to' Beauregard's assistance, that it might easily hurl an assault- 
ing column on our lines and breaking through the inadequate force with which we 
held them, assail Grant on the flank. 

While Beauregard, thoroughly alive to Grant's real purposes through the 
stories of scouts and spies, and the sifted admissions of the prisoners he captured 
on the 15th, was showering telegrams on Lee and sending his aides with personal 
messages to Richmond, Lee was still on the north side of the James throwing 
out reconnoissances in every direction in search of Grant's real course. This 
delay of Lee forced Beauregard to hold his lines with a very small force against 



35 

a constantly augmenting one. But these lines were formidable ones. A l)orn 
engineer as well as an educated one, Beauregard had from sheer restlessness 
already entrenched every practicable position around Petersburgh, planting enfi- 
lading batteries on all commanding points, and generally had already planned and 
arranged the lines of works that, with little modification of position, held 
Petersburgh so long against our armies. 

Knowing that the force in his front was steadily growing as divisions of the 
Army of the Potomac came on the ground and went into position, and that the 
i6th would be a day of trial to him, Beauregard the night of the 15th determined 
to abandon the Bermuda Hundred line, trusting to the coming of Lee's troops 
to regain them. 

That night he withdrew the force that held the Bermuda Hundred lines, 
leaving only a mask of pickets, virtually abandoning his whole line from the 
Howlett House to the Appomattox. He says he had the guns and "caissons of 
the Howlett House Battery removed and buried, the ground above them 
rearranged with sticks and leaves as not to arouse any suspicion, and that this 
prize remained safely hidden until the Confederates had regained their line. 

The night of the 15th Lieutenant-Colonel Greely of the loth Connecticut, 
which regiment was on picket at the Warebottom Church position, hearing 
movements on the rebel line, crept out and made up his mind from what he 
heard and saw that the rebels were moving away. Reporting his belief and his 
reasons for it to General Terry, that officer ordered a movement in the early 
morning of the i6th that resulted in the capture of the whole rebel line with 
their pickets and such troops as they had left there. 

A force of one hundred day's men from Ohio had reported to General 
Butler, good material enough, but in the nature of things quite undisciplined, 
mere raw recruits, and without the v^eteran organization of officers and men that 
enabled our own new men to do svich good work. These new troops were placed in 
the captured lines, while we held our own outer line just across the slashing 
dividing the two lines of intrenchments. They now held their position beauti- 
fully so long as they were not troubled by the Confederates, but along in the 
afternoon a commotion was visible among them, then a few came hurrying over 
the works they were in, then more and more, a confused firing was heard, then 
the " rebel yell " rose clear and shrill and the whole force of Ohio men came 
flocking over the works and across the slashing, a strong skirmish line of gray 
clothed soldiers moving after them — the van of Lee's army. The hundred day's 
men came tearing towards us at the top of their speed without order or orders so 
far as could be seen. We opened ranks to let them through, the scared white 
faced flock of sheep, one of them, I remember, holding up a hand from which the 
blood was trickling from a scratch probably made by a limb of a fallen tree of the 
slashing, lamentably crying " I'm wounded," " I'm wounded," while our men 
roared with laughter. What would have become of them — whether they would 
have stopped short of Ohio — I do not know, had not the loth Connecticut, on 
reserve, deployed with fixed bayonets and fenced the mob back. 

But we had no time for enjoyment of this part of the comedy. Closing up 
as the Ohio men passed through us, we turned so heavy a fire on the advancing 



36 

lines of the enemy that they stopped, staggered, fell back and finallj^ retired to 
their recaptured works. 

At day-break of June 17th, General Osborn says that the Confederates 
assaulted the Union line in our front and were repulsed, but when they assaulted 
in the afternoon they broke through a portion of the line, driving it back. 

Captain Maxfield's diary states that in the evening of the 17th, the Eleventh 
charged to support the left of the 24th Massachusetts, where some one-hundred 
day men had given way, our Ohio runaways again. It was in this charge 
that Corporal Bearce was wounded. And for the i8th this diary states that we 
had fallen back to the old line of rebel rifle pits, back of the church, and that 
either intentionally or by accident the rebels set fire to the recaptured church, 
and it was burnt to the ground. 

The night of June i8th, after the corps of the Army of the Potomac had 
made a series of desperate and bloody assaults on the Confederate works at 
Petersburgh, works that military authorities agree should have been taken the 
15th, could have been the r6th, might have been on the 17th, but that were 
impregnable for the time now that the lines of the Army of Northern Virginia 
were stretched behind them. General Grant, recognizing the futility of further 
direct efforts against Petersburgh, gave orders that all assaults should cease, and 
that the positions gained by the several corps close against the enemy's lines 
should be intrenched, and as General Humphreys says of the intrenchments 
threw up that night by this order, ' ' the two opposing lines of works before 
Petersburgh remained substantially the same in position to the close of the war." 

DEEP BOTTOM. 

In the afternoon of the 20th of June, the Regiments of our brigade broke 
camp and marched to the James River, crossing it by ponton boats after dark, 
landing at Deep Bottom, on the north bank of Bailey's Creek, emptying into the 
James. The position so quietly taken was three miles east of the Hewlett House 
Battery, and though four miles north of it by terra firma measurement, it was 
fifteen miles below it in the flow of the river, so crooked is the James at this point 
of its course. Deep Bottom was a well wooded bluff when we seized it, but 
'twas bare enough before many days, so vigorously were axes plied by the men 
of our regiment, and while they were renewing their youth as axemen, fatigue 
parties from regiments more used to the spade were throwing up a strong line 
of works, batteries connected by infantry parapets and with outlying rifle pits, 
forming when completed and with gunboats anchored on the flanks, a practically 
impregnable "bridge head" for the ponton bridge now laid across frbm the 
south bank of the James to Deep Bottom. 

We remained at Deep Bottom for several weeks, within easy reach of strong out- 
lying works of the rebels, partly thrown up and strengthened after our arrival. Their 
main outer line on this side of the river, the Chapin's Bluff one, was about four miles 
northeast of Deep Bottom. The opposing lines at Deep Bottom were some 
distance apart, from half a mile to a mile, but portions of the picket lines were 
very near together, particularly in the extensive fields to the north of Deep 
Bottom. In the immediate front, looking east, there was a wide stretch of woods, 



37 

a tongue of the woods that ran along both sides of Bailey's Creek from its wide 
mouth, a mouth of such uncommon depth as to give the position we held on its 
north shore the name of Deep Bottom. But without the animus of a momentarily 
expected attack, the picket of both sides were amicably disposed, meeting in a 
big corn patch in the open field to gather green corn and to barter. There used 
to be a story that some of them occasionally visited a secluded spot to indulge 
in friendly games of cards together, with coffee and tobacco for stakes. 

An occurrence that will interest fatalists took place at Deep Bottom. A mem- 
ber of the 24th Massachusetts had deserted from that regiment to the enemy while 
the regiment was in North Carolina. It was undoubtedly his plan to take an early 
opportunity to desert from his new service to our lines again and get sent North 
out of the way of any possible casualty, for he took an earlj^ opportunity to get 
taken prisoner at Deep Bottom during one of our reconnoissances there, the 
Confederate regiment he had joined having been sent to Virginia and located 
1)efore Deep Bottom. But, strange to say, the double deserter passed directly 
back into the arms of his old compau}' of the 24th Massachusetts. A dramatic 
situation it must have been both to him and his old comrades. Recognized in a 
moment, he was imprisoned, tried and sentenced to be shot, and the sentence was 
carried out in the fields between our works and those of the Confederates. 

I^ittle of memorable moment took place for a time. Captain Maxfield's diary 
has these entries for the month following our arrival at Deep Bottom. For June 
2 2d, that men of the loth Connecticut had found a pot of gold. He does not record 
whether they did so at the end of a rainbow or not. For July ist, that Brigadier 
General R. S. Foster took command of our brigade, and that Colonel Plaisted, 
who had been Brigade commander so far on the campaign, returned to the 
command of the Eleventh. F'or the 3d, that Captains Hill and Baldwin were 
mustered as Ivieutenant-Colonel and Major respectively, and that Company A 
was sent across Bailey's Creek " to hold it." This entry argues a large liquid 
capacit}^ for that company. 

It was about this time that General Hill, then our Lieutenant- 
Colonel, had an adventure that would have been a misadventure but for his 
characteristic readiness. General Foster requested him to go out through the big 
corn field already told of, and learn what he could of the force of the rebels in our 
front, and to do it in his own way, having learned that as a daring, long-headed 
scout. General Hill was without a peer in our brigade. Taking a couple 
of orderlies with him. General Hill rode into the interior until he 
judged he was a mile from the river, not seeing any rebels yet, then he 
bore to the left to strike the river away above us, intending to ride down along 
the river bank to Deep Bottom. After riding for about a half mile towards the 
river, he suddenly rode into the rear of an undeployed rebel picket force of about 
twenty-five men. Clustering around him, their officer laughingly asked the 
General " where he was going." Personally the General felt very sure that he 
was going to Richmond, however much again.st his will, but putting on a bold 
face, he answered, " that he had rode out to get the news by exchanging papers 
with them." " This is pretty cool," said the rebel officer, "let me see your 
papers." Luckily the General had a copy of the New York Tribimc, and one of 



38 

the Philadelphia Inquirer in his pocket, and luckily too, a rebel sergeant here said 
" this is the same officer that sent us a paper the other day." This was so, the 
General, a week before, when officer of the day, having- effected an exchange of 
papers with this sergeant through the medium of one of our men, when the 
sergeant must have taken a sharp look at the officer who moved so cooly along 
a dangerous picket line. "Well," said the good-natured rebel lieutenant, "I 
guess I will let you go, yow look as though you wfl^ telling the truth. But I 
must say you took a good deal of pains to come so Wt, and to come in our rear, 
too." Our General with the guileless face answered " that he got lost in riding 
out, and was trying to find his way into camp when he rode up to them." 
Drifting into a general conversation with the officer^ and his men, each party 
covertly tried to learn a little something concerning the other's force on that side 
of the river, until the General, having learned all he wished to, embraced a good 
opportunity to make his adieus. As he rode away with his eager orderlies riding 
on his heels, the Confederate officer, on whom the real purpose of the General's 
mission had dawned, but who was too honorable to take back his given word, called 
out, " Remember this, you can't play at exchanging papers with me again." 
With this friendly warning from the " good fellow," as the General rightly calls 
him, ringing in their ears, the little Union party spurred its horses into a 
magnificent burst of speed that quickly took it out of all possible danger of 
having to obey a recall. 

For July the loth Captain Maxfield's diary states, that (among others) First 
Sergeant Bassett, of D, reported for duty from recruiting service in Maine, where 
he had been for some months. For the 12th, that an expedition from the loth 
Connecticut went up the river and captured a lieutenant and fourteen men, 
besides burning a mill. For the 13th, that two prisoners were taken by a scout- 
ing party under Major Baldwin and Captain Nickels, and that some of D were 
in this party. Possibly it was this expedition that Private William Sherman, of D, 
shot the rebel " stone dead," as he declared, but while he was reloading his gun 
the supposed to be dead man jumped up and ran away regardless of Sherman's 
hilarious expostulations. 

For the T4th, the diary states, that the rebels opened fire with a battery 
they had stationed in a ravine and that their shells killed " a horse and six 
men" on the gunboat Mendota. It would appear from this that there were 
veritable" horse marines " in our navy. 

For the 21st, the diary states that our regiment moved across to Strawberry 
Plains, on the south bank of Bailey's Creek, and that we captured eleven 
prisoners, but that the enemy appeared in force and caused us to fall back into 
our intrenchments. For the 22d, that the regiment went to the Plains again, 
" we taking all we wished to," as the Captain modestly phrases it. For the 23d, 
that the regiment went to Strawberry Plains again, and met a strong force of the 
enemy, we losing two killed and four wounded, and that we remained that night 
on the ground we had taken during the day. P'or the 24th, that we were relieved 
by two regiments of the Nineteenth Corps, that Corps having just arrived from 
the Red River, and, by the way, its commander was our old brigade commander. 
General Emory. For the 25th, the diary tells us that the pickets of the Nineteenth 



39 

Corps on the Plains were driven in, and that we were ordered out to retake the posi- 
tion they had lost. For the 26th, that we were still skirmishing on Strawberry Plains 
in an effort to retake the lost position, and that by night, when we had recovered it, 
we had lost one man killed and twenty-one wounded, and that we were relieved 
by the Tenth Connecticut that night. For the 27th, that the Second Corps 
crossed to the Plains early in the morning. 

These operations of our regiment on Strawberry Plains in the last days of 
July were in connection with a movement planned against the enemy's left flank, 
resting on our side of the James, and directly in our front. 

After the assaults of the i8th of June, the immediate attempts of Grant to 
overcome Lee were confined to flanking movements from the right and left, 
north and south of the James. The plan of the movement we were initiating 
was that Hancock should move to Deep Bottom with the Second Corps and two 
divisions of cavalry under Sheridan, and that the Second Corps should try and 
break through the rebel line near Chapin's Bluff, at about the spot we operated 
in the following October ; then if the infantry succeeded in breaking the rebel line . 
the cavalry was to make a dash on Richmond, while Hancock should operate to 
prevent rebel reenforcements crossing from the south, bank of the James by the 
ponton bridge they had laid down between Chapin's and Drury's Bluflfs. And 
that if the dash on Richmond could not be made, then the railroad 
communications of the rebels on the north side should be destroyed as far as 
practicable. It was thought, too, that this movement, if unsuccessful in itself, 
might force the rebels to reinforce the north side so heavily as to cause such a 
reduction of their force holding the Petersburgh lines as to give a fair promise of 
success in the assault to be made when the mine in front of Burnside's Ninth 
Corps was sprung. 

As a necessary preliminary to these movements, and to give the idea perhaps 
that the contemplated attack, which they could not help learning of the 
preparations for, through spies, prisoners and deserters, was a flanking one, by 
the way of Bailey's Creek, as, in fact, it finally became, the Eleventh crossed 
to Strawberry Plains, just on the other side of Bailey's Creek, having to cross the 
James twice to get there, once to the south side by the ponton bridge we held the 
head of, and then to the north side again by another ponton bridge laid down 
with its north side head debouching on the great cleared flat known as 
Strawberry Plains. Across the head of these Plains runs the River road, a 
connecting link of the system of roads leading into Richmond. Working our 
way up through the woods bordering Bailey's Creek, by night we had driven the 
enemy into his works guarding the road and outer lines, his main one lying on 
the Deep Bottom side of Bailey's Creek and running along that side of the Creek 
toFussel's Mill at the head of the Creek, from which point his line was refused, 
as the military phrase is, that is it turned sharply back. 

It was the position we had gained before this outer line that we turned over 
to the Nineteenth Corps and that they lost the 25th of July. The next day we 
pressed the enemy steadily back until we were lying close to their outer line, 
the gunboats firing sharply this day, throwing their heavy shells over our heads 
at the enemy's lines, the enemy replying as best they could with a battery of 



40 

artillery they had brought down and stationed in the road. During the day a 
shell from a gunboat fell so unfortunately short as to fall just behind our right 
rifle pit, lightly scooped out pits, unconnected, each sheltering a half dozen men. 
It fell at just the most dangerous distance from our men, burst, and threw its 
fragments right among them, killing and wounding several. 

During this night Hancock and Sheridan arrived with their troops. Halting 
their men on the other side of the river, they rode over to Deep Bottom and had 
a consultation with General Foster, who described to them what he had learned 
of the enemy's works in our front. Hancock then telegraphed to General Meade, 
his immediate superior, stating what had been told him, and doubting the 
advisability of assaulting so strong an intrenched line with the force at his 
command, and suggesting a flank movement by way of Strawberry Plains 
instead. General Meade coinciding with him in his opinon, Hancock moved his 
troops over the river to Strawberry Plains, and attacked soon after dajdight on 
the 27th of July, the cavalry on his right. 

General Miles moved to the front across the open field with a brigade in 
open order, charged and captured the enemy's batter}-, four 20-pound parrot 
guns, in a handsome manner. Then swinging to the right on its pivot, the 
position held by the Eleventh on the creek, the whole line moved out across 
the enemy's roads until it had invested his whole line, extending from our 
position on the creek to Fussell's Mill. The part of the infantry in the plan was 
now completed. The cavalry then proceeded to carry out the flanking operation 
it was charged with, but the rebels had been reinforced, four divisons of infantry 
and two of cavalry having come across the James and taken position in the works 
we were threatening, so that when Sheridan's cavalry moved out beyond 
Fussell's Mill they fovmd the road barred by a heavy force of cavalry supported 
by infantry. 

General Grant came across the river to the Plains that afternoon and made 
a personal observation of the rebel position, and deciding that not much could 
be done there, returned to his headquarters, from which he telegraphed General 
Meade that he did not wish Hancock to assavtlt, but for him to hold his position 
for another day. For, though foiled in his attempt to make a dash on Richmond, 
Grant had learned that the reinforcements the rebels had hurried across the 
James had left their Petersburgh lines guarded by three infantry divisons only, 
while but one cavalry divison remained on that side of the river, and now hoped 
by threatening demonstrations to keep the rebel force on the north side, out of 
the wa}^ of the column he was already forming to assault the Petersburgh lines. 
In obedience to Grant's wishes, Hancock and Sheridan spent another day in 
holding the heav}^ rebel force far from the scene of Grant's new hopes, hurrying 
back to Petersburgh with their troops the night of the 29th, to take part in the 
assault that was to follow the mine explosion set for the morning of July 30th. 
The explosion took place as planned, but for various reasons the results were 
as disastrous to the Union as to the Confederate army. Returning to our camp 
at Deep Bottom, we spent a few days in comparative quietude, while a new 
movement in which we were to take part was in process of evolution. 

General Grant had received information that General I,ee was strongly 



I 



41 

reenforcing Early, now operating in the Vallej', and believed the reenforcements 
were so largelj^ taken from the troops on the north side of the James as to give a 
chance for a more successful operation on that side of the river than our late one 
had been. The troops to be engaged in this second attempt were largely those 
engaged in the first, the Second Corps, part of the Tenth, and a cavalry force under 
General Gregg, all to be under Hancock's command. But instead of marching 
directly across the river as before, Hancock's corps was to embark on transports 
at City Point and move down the river in the afternoon, to give the Confederate 
spies the idea that it was going to the Valley, but under the cover of the night 
the transports were to run back to Deep Bottom, the troops were to disembark at 
Strawberry Plains, move rapidly in the morning, turn the enemy's line on 
Bailey's Creek, and push for Richmond. But through lack of proper landing 
places the second corps was not disembarked until eight o'clock instead of at 
daybreak. 

The part of the Tenth Corps men in the programme was that we were to 
assault in our front, which we did promptly at daybreak, the Second Corps' his- 
torian stating that we opened fire at five o'clock. 

The Eleventh held the part of the picket lines running through the woods 
in front of Deep Bottom the night before the 14th of August. Though so far from 
the river we pickets had a suspicion that something was on foot. The ponton 
bridge crossing to Strawberry Plains was mufiled, yet we could distinctly hear 
the rumble of the artillery and the tramping of the horses of Gregg's cavalry 
division as the}^ crossed it, and the screeching of steamboat whistles was too con- 
tinuous for secrecy too, though necessary from the darkness of the night and the 
crowding of so many boats in the narrow channel. If we heard it, and our sus- 
picions were aroused by it, then our contiguous friends, the enemy, whose 
pickets could hear it all as well as we could, must have been forewarned of 
what was coming in the morning. 

But we of the Eleventh had no idea that we were to take the sharp initiative 
that we did. In the early morning of the 14th Colonel Plaisted rode up to 
the reserve of D and directed Lieutenant Norris to deploy the reserve, move out 
to the picket line and advance with it until he met the enemy, then to press 
forward and capture his exterior lines. (lyieutenant Grafton Norris, of Company F, 
was in detailed command of D, Lieutenant Maxfield having gone North on an over- 
due leave of absence). The movement directed by the Colonel was immediately 
proceeded with, and in less time than it takes to tell it we had moved out, and our 
skirmish line was moving rapidly' through the woods and was on the enemy's pickets. 
We forced them back on their reserve, stationed behind a strong line of rifle pits, 
with partly open ground before them immediately in front of D's skirmishers. 
This line ran along the top of the reverse side of a dip of the ground, covering a 
wood road that ran directly down this dip before crossing their line. As the 
men of D reached this road in hot pursuit of the enemy, its inviting smooth- 
ness led them to converge on it, and, frantic now with anticipation, to charge the 
enemy's works without orders. Lieutenant Norris and Sergeant Young saw the 
danger and tried hard to prevent this movement, rushing among the men to drive 
them out of the road, but before they had an appreciable time to enforce their 



42 

commands in a withering rifle fire of the enemy swept the road, killing and 
wounding several of our men. In spite of this severe check the officers held their 
men close up to the enemy's works, on which we opened an eager fire. For a 
time our line was kept back by the enemy, but suddenly the exertions of our men 
were rewarded, the rebel line beyond our company's left giving way just as the 
enemy in our front had ceased firing ; and D took so quick an advantage of the 
opening that before the startled and momentarily confused enemy fairly knew 
what was happening we had mounted their works and were in possession of them. 

We found that their slackened fire meant that they had not had their break- 
fasts any more than had we, and that they had relinquished firing in fancied 
security until they should have strengthened the inner man. Their untouched 
rations of freshly cooked bread, cooked in Dutch ovens after the peculiar South- 
ern stjde, with the side of fat bacon left behind them, satisfied the sharp monitions 
of several Yankee appetites. 

The enemy had retreated to the main line, from which they opened a sharp 
artillery fire on us. This line across a wide field was so very formidable in 
appearance that an assault was not ordered. 

Of D, Privates Hall, Shepard and Stanley had been killed. Corporals 
-^ Keene, Weymouth and Privates Samuel A. Bragdon, Collins, Wm. Sherman, 
'-^jAdelbert Stratton and Alfred C. Butler had been wounded; Weymouth 
-"-^mortally so. It is notable that Butler, an impetuous youth, fell close to the 
-^\ enemy's works, wounded in three places, and that his friend Bragdon received his 
mortal wound in a brave attempt to rescue him from his perilous position. 

During the rest of the 14th we lay on the ground we had won. General 
Birney, our new Corps commander, having been ordered to suspend his opera- 
tions on account of the delay attending the movements of the second corps. It 
was a terribly hot day in open ground. General Mott reporting that of two 
small regiments of his Second Corps division exposed to it 105 men were prostrated 
by the heat. 

This intense heat may have had something to do with the slowness and 
weakness of the Second Corps assault, for it was not delivered until four o'clock, 
and then with but one brigade, others intended for the attacking column having 
become too demoralized to make it wise to push them forward. The only effect 
of this movement was to draw enough of the enemy from our front to enable 
part of our corps to capture a battery of four eight-inch howitzers. 

The record states the night of the 14th the greater part of our Corps was 
marched to the vicinity of Fussell's Mills at the head of Bailey's Creek, and that 
the order for the 15th was that our Corps should find the enemy's left and attack 
Gregg's Cavalry covering our flank, but that General Birney took so wide a 
circuit that it was night before he found the enemy's left and took position. 

As for the Eleventh, we seem to have been placed on the left for the 15th, 
near the pivot, for we moved but little. The recollection is that we lay along 
a road most of the day, sheltering ourselves from falling rain in the bordering 
woods as best we could. At night we went into bivouac in a handsome grove 
of trees, and our wagons coming up to deal out company rations, D had a 
company supper. First Sergeant Bassett having arrived with the cooks and the 



43 

men who, for one reason or another other than sickness, had been left in cainp 
when we went on picket. 

The morning of the i6th broke clear and cloudless, too cloudless, for it was 
soon evident that the i6th was to be a da}^ like the 14th, when the men of the 
Second Corps suffered so terribly in men and morale. The regiment was on the 
move very early in the day. In moving for position we were soon under an 
aggravating fire, marching and counter-marching with men dropping out 
wounded or killed, until we took position in a dense wood where we were 
somewhat sheltered by a bend of ground. Here a column for attack was 
formed, the ist Maryland Cavalry dismounted, serving as infantry and 
temporarily attached to our brigade, on our right. 

Anticipating the coming assault, the enemy had thrown a heavy skirmish 
line into a line of rifle pits running along enfilading points, to sweep the woods 
with a galling fire. It is very unpleasant to lie in action under such a fire and 
see comrades to your right and left struck by un.seen foes. If a man has nerves 
they are soon in a quiver, and if he has not known he had any before, he learns 
that he is not made quite of iron after all. We found it so in the half hour we 
lay in this position and it was really a relief when scudding aids dismounted and 
darting through the woods from tree to tree brought the order to charge. 
Quickly we arose to our feet, and rushed forward with the wild cry which 
seems as necessary to a charging force as the breath with which they give it. 
Almost immediately we were subjected to the most severe fire we were ever 
under. No mere skirmish line this, but an outlying line of battle. The woods 
fairly rang with the screeching of the bullets; still we pushed on, when suddenly 
the ist Maryland fell back, not directly back, but obliquing into our own now 
swaying line, and in another second in spite of the shouts of their maddened 
officers, the men of the two regiments were falling back in confused mass. 

But the men of the Eleventh were not at all panic stricken. Getting 
themselves out of the line of fire they turned voluntarily, and shaking them- 
selves clear of the dismounted cavalry, closed up their shattered line. In a 
minute they were ready to go in again, and as General Foster rode on the scene, 
galloping along the line of his brigade to make sure that his regiments were 
making ready for another rush, and rode up to the Eleventh calling out 
"Forward, Boys," we dashed ahead, and before the enemy could repeat the 
withering tactics of a few minutes before, had driven them headlong from their 
rifle pits and were pursuing them to their main intrenchments under a heavy 
fire poured on us from their main line, which ran along a ridge of ground covered 
by a wide slashing of heavy bodied trees, felled in all directions. In charging 
through it the men were somewhat protected by the heavy logs, and fortunately, 
too, the enemy must fire down hill, giving a tendency to over shooting, else 
not so many of us as did would have reached the crest of the hill. Before we 
did, many had tumbled headlong among the fallen logs, and how any of us 
reached it, few can tell, but we did, the rebels retiring with more rapidity than 
grace as we poured into their works. 

Beyond the captured line we found a smooth field of perhaps a hundred and 
fifty yards in width, dipping into a wood bordered run. It was to this run that 



44 

the enemy had withdrawn, and from it they kept up a rapid fire on us, our men 
returning it with the more spirit that we had found boxes of cartridges strewed 
along the enemy's side of the works, cartridges that fitted our guns perfectly, so 
furnishing us with a much needed supply of ammunition. 

But the fire that annoyed us most was an enfilading one from across a run 
beyond the left flank of our regiment. Beyond this run, on higher ground than 
we occupied, the enemy had built works to sweep the front of the works we had 
just taken. From here, snugly ensconced behind a difficult run, and hid from 
us by a stout growth of trees, left standing to mask their position, they swept 
our flank with a terrible fire. Efforts were made to dislodge them by sending 
brigades down our front to charge the run, but the cross-fire the charging 
brigades were subjected to forced them to retreat to cover. Suddenly fierce 
j^ells from the rebel lines announced that they were receiving reenforcements. 
The position was becoming serious. 

As Colonel Hill and Major Baldwin had been badly wounded the command 
of the Regiment devolved on Captain Merrill of Company I. Our men 
were falling rapidly and those left were exhausted by the efforts they had made 
under a blazing sun, yet when a thin line of the Second Corps moved out of the 
woods behind us and advanced as if to support us in a charge we were to make 
by wa}^ of our left on the aggravating work on that flank, our men raised a 
glad hurrah and gathered their energies for a mighty rush. But, alas, the 
Second Corps men could not endure the murderous sweep of the fire the alert 
enemy poured upon them from their flanking position, and quickly melted back 
into the timber. 

Movements in our front indicated a gathering of Confederates for an assault. 
Anticipating it somewhat, and its result, of which there could be but one, the 
colors of the regiments were sent to the rear, and the word was passed along the 
line that when broken the regiments were to rally at the line of rifle pits we had 
taken in the morning, where the men would find their colors planted. Then 
came the roar and rush of the assault, a minute of fierce firing and yelling, and we 
were flying back to the sheltering woods, a storm of bullets whistling around us. 

A citizen seeing how badly we were broken, our men fleeing into the woods 
without apparant formation or visible control, would have sworn that none of us 
would have stopped short of the James River, but I don't believe that a man of 
ours anyway went back a foot further than the captured rifle pits. There we 
gathered on our colors, every man in his place, and as the enemy came dashing 
through the woods after a supposed-to-be flying foe they quickly learned what 
it was that Paddy gave the drum. Of D, Private Hanscom was killed this day, 
and Privates Day, Googing, lycighton, McGraw, Bubier and White were 
wounded. 

While these operations were going on, Gregg's cavalry, supported by 
General Miles with a brigade from the Second Corps, had moved up the Charles 
City road, driving the enemy's cavalry before them, until our cavalry had 
reached White Tavern, only seven miles from Richmond. Reenforcements 
reaching the Confederate cavalry, Gregg was in turn forced back upon Miles, 
both finally falling back to Deep Creek, a tributary of Deep Run, fighting as 



45 

they retreated, holding one position until a portion of their men had taken a 
' second one a half mile or so back of their advance one, then the advance 
line would fall back behind the new line and take up a position about half a mile 
or so further in the rear in their turn, all this time carrying their dead and 
wounded with them, the dead strapped across the led cavalry horses or in front 
of the troopers. Finally the hard pressed men reached the creek, behind which 
Gregg reestablished his line, Miles returning to Fussell's Mill to take position 
on the right flank of our corps. And Mott had been threatening the enemy 
along Bailey's Creek with a strong skirmish line to learn their force, finding 
their works strongly held everywhere. 

General Birnej^ " Old Mass and Charge," proposed that we assault at five 
o'clock that afternoon, but the force the advance of his skirmish line developed 
made him abandon this idea. Besides, about then Gregg's line before Deep Creek 
was so strongly attacked as to compel him to cross the creek to the bank nearest 
us to sustain himself, it seeming clear enough that an advance would only 
bring us disaster. General Grant gave up the idea of pressing the movement 
further, determining though, as in July, that we must hold a threatening position 
for a few days longer to keep the heavy force of the enemy in our front while he 
launched a force from the other flank at the Weldon Road. 

The night of the i6th we took position close to the enemy's works and began 
to throw up intrenchments. By morning, working in relays, we had a strong 
line of works thrown up right under the enemy's nose. Our position, that of the 
Eleventh, lay along the side of a steep hill, so that the battery crowning it could 
fire directly over our heads. Here we lay the 17th, so near the enemy that we 
could see into his works from the crest of the hill. The picket lines, reallj'- hea\^' 
skirmish ones, kept up a steady fire all along the line until in the afternoon of 
the 17th, when General Grant allowed a flag of truce to be sent out and a truce 
arranged to continue from four to six o'clock. Perhaps, springing from this 
truce, there was an almost voluntary cessation of firing between the pickets until 
a little after five o'clock in the afternoon of the next day, the i8th, when it broke 
out with a fur}^ that indicated a pending assault on us. 

The skylarking and frolic of the men ceased as the fire of the skirmishers 
increased in rapidity and volume, and every man went to his post sober and alert_ 
Suddenly the battery behind us opened with a roar, our skirmishers came flying 
out of the woods and over our works, while behind them sounded the wild yell of 
a rebel charging column. As soon as our skirmishers were over our works, the 
herculean form of our Sergeant Young bringing up the rear, to be struck by a 
bullet as he leaped the parapet. As soon as they were out of the line of fire we 
opened a terrible fire, every man loading and firing for his life, but steadily, 
swiftly the heavy columns of the enemy poured from the woods, yelling and firing 
wildly, those behind pushing those in front, until it seemed as if the pande- 
monium of shrieking, rushing demons would roll over our works, by sheer weight 
of numbers, in spite of the fire mowing their front lines down. And just then, 
as if to complete our destruction, for to lose our line and be driven back into 
the tangled woods just at night, chased by a superior foe, far from a supporting 
column, meant the loss of our batteries and Andersonville for hundreds of us. 



46 

Just then the' looth New York, on our right, broke and left their part of the works 
in spite of shrieking officers, General Foster himself dashing among them, yelling 
like a madman and brandishing his sword in a vain attempt to hold them. But 
the old loth Connecticut had been held on reserve and was just rushing to the 
support of the Eleventh, and the men of the two regiments confident of each 
others support, strung along the gap like lightning until they had filled it after 
a manner, every man redoubling his efforts to hold the enemy, now surging at 
the rough abatis planted in the front of our hastily built line. 

The}^ had stood our terrible fire well until now, but they could not stand 
the cold steel we were ready to meet them with should they persist in crossing 
the works ; they wavered, broke and fell back into the heavy woods between us. 
That this was one of the most stubborn assaults of the war is shown by its 
lasting for twenty minutes, during which time General Walker of the Second 
Corps notes in his history of that corps, that the fire of musketry was tremendous. 
Scarcely had we breathed ourselves, when word was passed that we were to 
retire at dark, and that we must do so very quietly, without noise or gun rattling, 
even the tin cups and plates of the men must be so placed in their haversacks 
as not to give out the monotonous clinking that usually tells that a line of troops 
is on the march. Then a little latter we stole through the dark woods, leaving 
Colonel Plaisted with a thousand men of various commands to cover o^ retreat 
to a new position. This change of position, or " contraction of the line " as the 
militar}^ historians call it, was rendered necessarj'^ to let Mott's divison march 
awa}' to Petersburgh to take the place of the Ninth Corps in the intrenchments 
there, so that Corps could support Warren's movement on the Weldon road. 
Nothing of interest took place in the remainder of the movement, and finally, 
after a few days spent in skirmishing and reconnoitering in the unrealized hope 
that a weak spot might be discovered in the enemy's line, we fell back to the 
river ; the Second Corps and Gregg's cavalry went to Petersburgh, and we 
returned to our camp at Deep Bottom, 

We had been away from it a week, a week of disaster to the regiment, and 
especially to D, for nineteen of the best men of the company had been killed or 
wounded during it — one half of its available duty members — and as its thin line 
filed into the familiar company street those that remained behind gave it a 
sober greeting, looking sadly for the many familiar faces they would never see 
again, it is no wonder the eyes of all were dimmed, or that emotional tender- 
hearted Sergeant Francis should break into tears of manly mourning. We slept 
the deep sleep of exhaustion in our rude canvas homes that night, but the 
next night, in the early darkness, the regiment was suddenly ordered to fall in 
and the men soon found themselves across the ponton bridge and on the road to 
Bermuda Hundred. Then it was whispered that we were on our way to take part 
in an assault to be made on the Howlett House Battery at daybreak. It is not 
strange that we were more surprised than gratified at this proof of confidence in 
our assaulting abilities, nor is it to be wondered at that the men murmured wrath- 
fLill}^ at the idea of assaulting so strong an intrenched position as they knew the 
Howlett House one to be, armed with heavy guns, and always strongly supported. 
But for all their hopelessness they' would have dashed forward none the less 



47 

gallantly at the word of command, for they had seen too nianj^ dead men lately 
to fear death greatly, or to hope that if Richmond was to be taken they could 
long escape him ; in short, had about adopted the philosophy of the old 
Confederate Colonel, who, in Magruder's desperate charge at Malvern Hill, 
was heard to shout to his shrinking men, "Forward men. Forward! Do you 
expect to live forever ? " But we were not put to the test, for while we were yet 
e?i 7'oute a galloping aid brought us word that the idea of the assault had been 
abandoned, and we returned to our camp. 

BEFORE PETERSBURGH. 

The brigade broke camp at Deep Bottom the 26th of August and marched to 
a position in the lines before Petersburgh, pitching the camp near the Jerusalem 
Plank Road. The routine of our dut}^ as closely investing troops ran thus : one 
day of twenty-four hours we would be on the picket line in our front, placed along 
a run that intersected an exposed field, the enemy's picket line lying on the other 
side of the run. Here in the head-high holes some of our predecessors had dug, 
we shivered through the night, and broiled through the day, not daring to lift our 
heads above our rude earth-works until dark ; firing and observing through the 
rude embrasures the banks of earth before our picket-holes were pierced with. 
When relieved, always at night, and just after dark, we would only fallback into 
the front line of works, (batteries connected by infantry parapets,) to remain 
there forty-eight hours. Then relieved by in-coming pickets we would fall back 
to our camp and remain until morning, the next day being spent on fatigue 
duty, strengthening the lines of works. Then after another twenty-four hours 
spent in camp we went on picket again. All this time in camp and out of it, we 
were under fire, the bullets of the enemy ever singing around our ears, whether 
we were on the picket line, the main one, the reserve one or in camp, an invested 
one lying behind a parapet and flanked with batteries of field pieces and 
gatling guns. And often in camp, in the night, a sudden commotion would take 
place, to tell that some poor fellow had been severely wounded or perhaps 
killed, while curling up to his tent-mate under their blankets. But we dreaded 
the picket line the most, especially the day hours of it, not on account of its 
danger, for it was a comparatively safe one, all knowing the danger of exposure 
and conforming to the necessity of keeping closely covered, but to la^' for so 
many hours under a hot sun in a hole in the ground, with only " hard tack " 
and greasy boiled pork to eat, and the warm water of our — the night before 
filled — canteens to drink was very disagreeable. Then the certainty that a rush 
of the eneni}^ meant death or imprisonment for all pickets on the line of attack 
was not a quieting one. 

It was on this picket Hue that First-Sergeant Bassett was killed the night of 
the 15th of September. It was a bright, moonlight night, we had just relieved 
the ist Maryland, our men crept forward, each squad well informed of its 
assigned position, and all suddenly hurried for their positions, getting under 
cover as speedily as possible, the relieved pickets stealing as quietly away for 
the main line. This was the method of relieving here, but this night some of 
the relieved pickets moved up the hill somewhat carelessly, their plates and cups 



48 

clanking noisily and themselves visible in the bright moonlight, so drawing a 
s'harp fire from the enemy's pickets, by which several of the careless fellows were 
wounded. 

Sergeant Bassett was to enter the extreme left picket hole to be occupied by 
our regiment. I^ieutenant Maxfield returned from leave, and commanding D 
again, was assisting in placing the line, and was in the picket hole when Sergeant 
Bassett came running to it, in a crouching position, just as the enemy opened fire 
on the careless Maryland men. Reaching it, Captain Maxfield sa5^s, the Sergeant 
thoughtlessly stood erect on the edge of the pit, while saying, " Well, boys, I'm 
here," then fell forward into the lyieutenant's arms, a bullet having pierced his 
throat. Sergeant Bassett was my friend and tent-mate as well as my comrade. 
Only the night before his death he had talked long of the soon coming end of his 
term of service, a service he considered already ended by the law of right, he 
having enlisted on the 7th day of September three years before. But the consti- 
tuted authorities considered that the three years he had enlisted for must date 
from October 19th, the date of his muster into service. The point was acknowl- 
edged to be a debatable one and Bassett was told that it was his privilege to stay 
in camp if he chose not to expose himself to the chances of the front line. But 
Frank was too high spirited a man to split hairs with his honor ; he was either a 
soldier or a civilian, and if held would be as a soldier and not as a prisoner, 
declaring that until he was free to go North he would be with D wherever its lot 
was cast. And with D our bright, brave, true-hearted comrade died, heaping 
the measure of his duty with his life. The tour of duty in the main line, 
although affording more liberty of movement, was a dangerous one, especially 
for those station2d i:i front of the "Elliott" salient of the Confederates. It was 
under this salient that the mine had been exploded in the dim of a July morning. 
From its protruding point hundreds of men had been hurled from sleep into 
eternity, and for its mutilated possession hundreds more had died. F'rom this 
grim point of the Confederate line, the hillside before it rough with hillocks of 
bare earth and rugged with -yawning chasms, the result of the explosion, the 
enemy kept up a sharp and almost continuous night fire, for it was so close to our 
line that pickets w-ere not thrown out before it by either side. And on dark nights 
their artillery at this point of the line would be frequently fired to throw a flashing 
light over the rough ground between the lines of works. Our heavy artillery was 
not averse to trying its weight with the Confederates at any time. General 
Humphreys praises the proficiency attending the gunners of this branch of artillery 
service in silencing the fire of the batteries of the enemy. They had an especial 
fancy for every now and then opening just at sunrise with every gun they had 
a roaring, shrieking salute to his rising majesty. Sometimes they did it for 
practice, sometimes to disconcert and alarm the enemy, sometimes to jubilate 
over some advantage some one of our armies had somewhere gained. One morn- 
ing at daybreak, when a detachment of the regiment, including D, was in the 
little horseshoe shaped outwork we had before " Fort Hell," a messenger came 
along the line to let us know that at sunrise all our heavy guns would open. 
I was awake and in charge of a line of guards along the line of D, while the rest 
of the men, tired with a sleepless night watch, were dozing and napping here 



49 

and there, crouching, lying, leaning in all possible positions but an erect one, 
but ever}^ man with his riile clutched by a hand. It was my duty to awaken 
them and acquaint them with the coming bombardment, but I thought it would 
be a good joke to let the roar of the guns do the awakening. In a few minutes it 
came, a sudden roaring of batteries and the shrieking and bursting of shells just 
as the first ray of sunlight flashed from the east. The men of D not awake, 
awoke promptly, every man after his nature, some plunging for the bomb-proof, 
some springing for the parapet, and some just jumping to their feet and whirling 
around and around during a minute or so of desperate bewilderment. The men 
who leaped to the parapet to repel any coming enemy thought it a very good joke 
indeed, the momentarily bewildered ones had seen better jokes, but the ones that 
plunged for the bomb-proof were loud in expressing their indignation at the 
severest joke of their experience. It was on this line that the informal election 
was held by the regiment, Lincoln or McClellan, and the only vote cast for 
McClellan in D was by stout old Private Maddox. When rallied on his "disloyal" 
choice, as many preferred patriots thought it, Maddox wrathfully shouted, "My 
grandfather was a democrat, my father was a democrat, and by the Almighty, 
I'll not go back on either of them." If his argument did not convince his 
questioners of the soundness of his logic, his blazing ej^es and stalwart form gave 
it a respectful consideration. 

Private Maddox was not a conventional thinker anyway. On Strawberry 
Plains when a bullet went zipping through his cap, instead of raising a loud 
thanksgiving for his narrow escape, just by the hair of his head, he boiled over 
with rage at the injury to his cap, vowing that if he could get his hands on the 
rebel who fired the damaging shot, he would whip him within an inch of his 
scoundrelly life. 

The tw^enty-four hours passed in camp gave us time for nec- 
essary domestic labors — washing, mending, gun and equipment cleaning. 
Though still under fire, w^e were released from the necessity of bearing guns and 
accoutrements, for which reason these few hours were looked forward to as a 
sort of turning out to grass, and as gladly as any old horse ever scuttled out of 
harness to roll in the clover, did we strip off our galling belts to , stretch 
ourselves and enjoy our short space of comparative liberty, those of us not so 
unfortunate as to lose it in some detail of fatigue or other detested duty. Thus 
time ran in the entrenchments before Petersburgh until the 24th of September, 
when we moved back to a distance from the line of fire, making a new camp and 
giving an opportunity for the commanding officers to gratify their passion for 
drills, they revelling, according to Captain Maxfield's diary, both the 26th and the 
27th in Company and Battalion drills. 

THE NORTH SIDE OF THE JAMES. 

In the afternoon of the 28th of September we left this camp and marched 
for Deep Bottom, arriving there in the early morning very tired and sleepy. 
This was a hard march, so hard a one that when the Second Corps made it on 
their return from Deep Bottom in August, General Hancock considered it a very 
exhausting night march for troops to make that were to attack in the morning. 



50 

Night marches are particularly weary ones. The monotony of plodding through 
silent darkness, hour after hour, is as wearing to the men as is the distance. 

It is rarely that a gleam of enjoyment illumines the dullness of such a march; 
but as we plodded along through the darkness of this night and were passing a 
half slumbering camp, the fires were low and the lights were few, a voice rang 
out from it calling, " What regiment's that ?" At the answer " The Eleventh 
Maine," a wild yell came from the quiet camp, dark forms rising from it in 
groups and companies, to shout in stentorian volleys " Who stole the butter ?" 
It was the 98th New York, the regiment that sailed in the old Cahawba with us 
from Yorktown to Morehead City, on which cruise the sutler of the 98th lost 
his never to be recovered tubs of butter, and the question now waking the echoes 
of the dark night was the one to which even a drum-head court-martial failed to 
find the answer. The expedition we were a part of was intended to surprise the 
Confederate works on the north side of the river, where they were known to be 
thinly guarded. It was hoped that our unexpected onslaught would not only 
force their covering lines, such as the works before Deep Bottom and along 
Bailey's Creek and the works centering on Fort Harrison, near Chapin's Bluff, 
but would enable us to get possession of Fort Gilmer, of their main line too, 
really the key to the position of Chapin's Bluff. 

General Ord, now commanding the Eighteenth Corps, was in immediate 
command of the expedition, consisting of all of the Tenth and Eighteenth Corps 
that could be spared from the investing lines and of Kautz's cavalry division. Ord 
was to cross the river from his Bermuda Hundred front, crossing by a ponton 
bridge laid down at Aiken's in the darkness of the night, we were marching 
through, was to gain the Varina road, here abutting on the river, move up 
sharply in the early morning and assail the enemy, taking such works as he 
could, at all events was to prevent the enemy from crossing troops by the ponton 
bridge between Drury's and Chapin's Bluffs, to attack Birney's Tenth Corps. 
Birney's Tenth Corps was to cross the riv'erat Deep Bottom in the earl}' morning, 
gain the New Market and Darbytown roads — lying beyond the Varina road in 
the order named and running along the river and parallel with it — the infantry 
to move along the New Market road with Kautz's cavalry moving on their flank 
by the Darbytown road, the line to overrun the Confederate outworks before 
Deep Bottom and sweep forward towards Fort Gilmer's flank, while Ord 
attacked its front. We moved through Deep Bottom, crushed the light force 
found before it and moved rapidly up the New Market road, driving the enemy 
before us. Ord had followed the river road and attacked so strongly with Burn- 
ham's brigade as to carry all before him, capturing Fort Harrison with sixteen 
guns and a large number of prisoners. General Burnham was killed in the 
assault on the fort. General Ord then moved his forces to the right and left 
of Fort Harrison, capturing two batteries of three guns each. He then endeav- 
ored to sweep down from the captured intrenchmsnts and take the works on the 
river bank that covered the enemy's ponton bridge, but the Confederate gunboats 
opening the attempt was unsuccessful. 

General Ord was severely wounded in directing this movement, and General 
Heckman took command of the Eighteenth Corps, but scattered his brigades in 



5T 

the woods so that he could not concentrate them on Fort Gihner until it had 
been so heavily reenforced that he was repulsed with a heavy loss. In the mean- 
time, we of the Tenth Corps had captured the enemy's outworks lying across 
the New Market and Darbytown roads, and were making ready to move on his 
main line a little over a half mile to their rear. General Grant was now on the 
ground. Sending our division over to the Darbytown road, about a mile across 
from the New Market one, to support Kautz, he directed Birney to move forward 
with his other brigades. Then Ames' division and Brigadier-General William 
Birney's colored brigade moved on Fort Gilmer by the New Market road, but 
they were forced back by the grape and musketry when so close to the works 
that some of the colored brigade jumped into the ditch and tried to climb to 
the parapet of the fort by each other's shoulders. We of Terry's Division were 
now pushing through the captured works, Kautz on the right, all moving under 
a heavy fire and in momentar}^ expectation that the assault on Gilmer would be 
successful, when we proposed to force our way into Richmond. So vigorously 
did we move forward that when the announcement of the failure of the assault 
reached us we were actually less than four miles from Richmond, and it required 
rapid movement and severe fighting on our part to get out of the precarious pos- 
ition our own sanguine advance had placed our inadequate force in. Rejoining 
our line, light works were thrown up in the night. 

The next day was one of heavy skirmishing only, until the afternoon, when 
a heavy force of the enemy assaulted Fort Harrison and were beaten back three 
times before abandoning their attempt to recapture it. General Stannard who so 
gallantly held the fort for us, lost his arm in the second assault. While these 
north side operations where going on. General Meade was moving on the left, 
partly to keep reenforcements from the north side, where so much was hoped for, 
and partly to try to gain ground on that flank. The results of his movements 
were desultory, although rather in his favor. We held our now well intrenched 
position on the north side of the James with only heavy skirmishing, while 
threatening demonstrations were made by brigades of both sides from day to day, 
but without a real collision until the 7th of October. The right flank of our 
force on that side of the river — our brigade held the extreme infantry position 
on that flank — was covered by Kautz's cavalry. His position was across a swamp 
from us, on the Darbytown road at the Confederate line of intrenchments we 
captured the 29th of September. Here he had 1700 men and two batteries. So 
threatening was this position that two divisions of Confederates moved out the 
nio-ht of October 6th, and at sunrise of the 7th attacked on his front and his right 
flank. He could not stand up against such an attack as this, and in falling back 
through the swamp, by the narrow road crossing it, found the rebel cavalry there 
before him. Leaving them his eight guns, his men made desperate attemps to get 
under the wing of out division, scouting through the woods in flying groups. 
About as soon as the roar of the enemy's sudden attack on Kautz came to our 
ears the advance of his broken cavalry squadrons came dashing through the 
woods on our flank, riding recklessly through tearing brambles and matted 
copses. Almost immediately our division left its intrenchments at the double- 
quick for a position at about right angles to the one left, quickly forming front to 



52 

intercept the enemy's advancing force, now closely following Kautz's flying men. 
But as the enemy swept through the woods he fell on the heavy skirmish line we 
had thrown out, and his immediate advance was halted until assaulting columns 
could be formed. At last his heavy columns were ready for the assault and his 
skirmishers began to press ours in an attempt to break them, their columns 
hoping to get close to our line under cover of an advancing skirmish line. 

But our men were stubborn. I remember that Colonel Plaisted sent me with 
orders to Lieutenant Dunbar, in command of the skirmishers of our regiment. 
The fire was furious, and the lines lay close on each other, it was a murderous one, 
but neither Dunbar nor his men were inclined to yield an inch. " We can hold 
a line of battle " yelled one bold Yankee. But they couldn't, for when the roar of 
the assault came rolling through the dense woods in which the fight took place, 
we had to hold the fire of our line until the flying skirmishers should get behind 
us, in this way getting the shrieking, dingy lines of the enemy within short rifle 
range before we opened on them. The grey lines pressed forward through the 
hail storm of bullets our brigade was pouring on them, when suddenly from our 
left broke out the volley roar of the seven-shooters of the New Hampshire men. 
Seven volleys in one. Flesh and blood could not stand such a cyclone of lead ; 
and they stopped, broke and fled, leaving the woods piled with their dead and 
dying. Just as our victory was assured, reenforcements came up the road on the 
double-quick, to protect our extreme right. Panting and exhausted as they 
were with their efforts to reach us in time to be of service, they had breath 
enough left to give hearty cheers for our stand-up victory. We are particularly 
proud of this victory, as we won it without the protecting works so necessary to 
break the headlong impetus of an assaulting force, and in beating off the enemy's 
heavy charging columns stood in about single rank, having to stretch our line 
to a length that would oppose any flanking movement the enemy might combine 
with his front attack. And curiously enough our right regiment, the loth 
Connecticut, just lapped the enemy's lines. I can see the loth now as it stood on 
our immediate right, every man of it fighting with impetuous vigor to protect 
our flank, even its Chaplain, Henry Clay Trumbull, vying with the rest of its 
officers in encouraging their men, not only by his words but by flourshing a 
most unclerical looking revolver. It was here that Chaplain Trumbull won the 
name of ' ' Fighting Chaplain ' ' and high honors as he has since won in his chosen 
calling as Editor of the Sunday School Times, I'll venture that he is prouder of 
the title he received from the rank and file on that day of mortal warfare than of 
any theological one his service in the spiritual army has brought him. In this 
affair of the New Market Road, of D, its Commander, Lieutenant Maxfield 
and Corporal Horace Whittier of the Color Guard, were wounded. 

The 13th of October our regiment was part of a force that moved out on the 
Darby town road on a reconnoissance in force. We found the enemy's works of 
the most formidable character and strongly held. A brigade of Ames' division 
assaulted a promising part of them, but was beaten back, and a movement of 
ours made in conjunction with that of Ames, failed, we falling back under a very 
heavy artillery and musketr)^ fire. While we lay in the woods before these 
inhospitable works, this storm of war sweeping over us, the cooks of D, then 



53 

John Day and Prince Dunifer, appeared with camp kettles filled with hot coffee, 
and persisted in serving it to the men in spite of the great danger they had to 
expose themselves to in doing so. Cook Day, always excited in action, was none 
the less so that he was running the risk he then was, and as some slow member 
of the company' lying flat upon the ground would fumble for his tin cup as John 
stood over him, John's ire would boil till he would shout in that stentorian 
voice of his, "Hurry up, hurry; do you want me to be killed?" And so 
amusing was John's tribulations to Prince Dunifer, walking behind John to carry 
the reserve kettle, that he forgot all about his own danger in laughing at John. 
But neither John nor Prince ever shirked a duty or a danger — both good cooks 
and good fighters, John only excelling in the intensit)^ with which he performed 
every duty, whether it was to cook, fight or to run away. Who is more worthy 
of honor than are these comrades ? They followed our marching column day 
after day, loaded with kettles, spades and provisions, at every opportunity 
making hot coffee and taking it to the men on the line of skirmish or battle ; at 
night preparing a fiery bean hole in which to bake their beans, standing guard 
all night if need be over the simmering delicacies, that in the morning their 
men might have something tangible for their belts to tighten over. And what 
welcome did a rushing reenforcement meet with at some desperate moment of a 
raging battle, equal to the one that used to greet old John Day as he came 
plunging through the woods to our hungry, shivering line on some gray morning, 
his broad shoulders sturdily bearing a yoke from which depended kettles of steaming 
coffee and smoking beans. Of D, Private Woodbury was the only man wounded 
on this expedition. 

In the latter part of October, Grant pushed a strong force from the left towards 
the South Side Railroad. In connection with the movement we made one on the 
right. 

Moving out at daylight of the 27th of October, we drove the enemy's pickets 
in on the Darbytowm and the Charles City roads, and moved forward to threaten 
their works without intending to assault them. While we were maneuvering 
before the works, General Weitzel, in command of the Eighteenth Corps, was mov- 
ing with that corps to turn the Confederate left flank by pushing through White 
Oak Swamp and taking possession of the unoccupied rebel works on the Williams- 
burgh and New Bridge roads ; then was to move on Richmond. But General 
lyOngstreet, now in command of the Confederate forces on the north side of the 
James, anticipated the movements so effectually that Weitzel found the supposed- 
to-be unoccupied works so thoroughly occupied as to make his attack on them a 
complete failure, he losing heavily in both men and colors, each of his two 
attacking brigades losing three colors. About the hour of the afternoon that 
Weitzel met with this defeat, w^e w^ere ordered to press our demonstrations and, if 
possible, to carr}' the works. The attempts made to carry out this order were 
unsuccessful. We had to lie on the ground in the rain that night to cover the 
retreat of Weitzel's men, who wearilj^ plodded back through the rain, mud and 
darkness, not reaching a safe position in our rear until early morning. We then 
moved back into our own works. On the 29th of October our cavalry pickets 
were driven in from their position of observation on Johnson's farm, the position 



54 

that Kaiitz was driven from on the 7th of the month. Anticipating an attack of 
the same sort as was the one we then repelled, our division moved out across the 
intervening swamp Kautz left his guns in. Reaching a position on the other 
side, we formed a strong skirmish line and charged the captured picket works, 
the enemy running from them as we neared them. Sergeant Brady of D was 
wounded as we entered the now recaptured works. This was the last engage- 
ment of the war on the north side of the James. 

chapin's farm. 

The night of the 7th of October we bivouaced on the ground of Chapin's 
farm that we had fought for during the day, not thinking that we should remain 
in nearly the same position until the Spring campaign opened. But we did, 
first pitching our camp near the bivouac ground to move out from on expeditions 
into the enemy's country, finally building our winter quarters on the camp ground. 
But before the regiment went into winter quarters the three years service its 
original members yet remaining with the regiment had entered upon had ended, 
and the preparations for the mustering out of those of them who had not reenlisted 
were completed. And on the 2d day of November, after taking leave of their 
old comrades, these freed veterans marched away from the colors they had helped 
place in the front of many battles. Jubilant as they undoubtedly were, happy in 
anticipation of the coming meeting with loved ones, there was yet a visible 
tinge of sadness in their parting from the old comrades to remain and endure the 
hardships and privations they themselves would no more know. And those left 
behind with the colors, though they sped their parting comrades with hearty 
good will, could not help a faint heart sinking at the thought that perhaps 
before they could march away to their homes the fate of hundreds they had 
known might be theirs, and they too be lying in the shallow graves hurrying 
burying parties can only spare the time to give the dead of a battle field But 
there was little time given the men remaining with the colors for sentimental con- 
siderations. The day after their comrades left for Maine, they in company with 
the loth Connecticut, marched to Deep Bottom and sailed from there to Fortress 
Monroe, where a provisional division was forming to proceed to New York City 
for the purpose of keeping the peace there during the pending Presidential elect- 
tion. This division, consisting of the nth Maine, the 6th, 7th and loth Con- 
necticut regiments, the 3d and 7th New Hampshire, the 13th Indiana, 112th 
New York, Battery M, of the ist U. S. Artillery and other troops, was under 
the command of General Hawley, and sailed from Fortress Monroe the 4th of 
November, the Eleventh being one of the regiments on the steamer General Lyon. 

Lieutenant Maxfield was in command of the Eleventh at this time, as he, a 
reenlisted veteran, was the ranking officer with the regiment, so many of its 
officers had been mustered out by the reason of the expiration of their terms of 
service, or were detached on headquarters service. Arriving in New York har- 
bor the morning of the 6th of November, on the morning of the 7th the troops 
landed at Fort Richmond, on Staten Island, and went on board steamers which 
took them to points along the river front of New York City. The nth Maine, 
3d New Hampshire, 13th Indiana and it 2th New York regiments and Battery M, 



I 



55 

of the ist U. S. Artiler}^ went on board the ferrj'boat Westfield and proceeded to 
Pier 42, North River. The force lay there through the Sth (election day), the 
9th and loth, and until the nth, when the authorities becoming satisfied that the 
knowledge of the short, sharp fate rioting mobs would meet with at the hands of 
the grim veterans on the river front, had secured a peaceful election period; the 
force returned to Fort Richmond, and after a couple of days spent in this stronghold, 
embarked the 14th (the Eleventh on the steamer North Point), and put to sea that 
night. Arriving at Fortress Monroe, the provisional division formation was dis- 
continued and the regiments proceeded each to its own camp ground, the Eleventh 
reaching its camp ground on Chapin's Farm the 17th of November. In its camp, 
in charge of the guard left to care for the regimental baggage, the regiment found 
201 recruits to be distributed through its skeleton companies. The strengthened 
Eleventh then proceeded to prepare its winter quarters. The personnel and the 
organizationof the regiment of the winter of 1865 were largely changed from what 
they were when the regiment first landed at Bermuda Hundred. For the field 
and staff, it was now Colonel Hill instead of Colonel Plaisted, Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Baldwin instead of lyieuenant-Colonel Spofford, Adjutant Fox had accepted 
a commission in a regiment destined for adventurous service among the Indians 
of the western frontier, and Chaplain Wells had gone to sow his pearls of truth 
in a less porcine parish, and its companies were about as completely changed. 
Take D for a fair example — Captain Mudgett was still a prisoner ; First Lieuten- 
ant Sellmer, who had been on detached service at division headquarters for 
months, was promoted to the Captaincy of Company B ; Second Lieutenant Max- 
field, who had been made First Lieutenant of D when Lieutenant Sellmer was 
promoted, was now made Captain of H, a rapid promotion but fairly won by his 
conspicuous service in the campaign just ended, where he had shown marked 
executive ability as commanding officer of D since the 2d of June, when he took 
up the charge Captain Mudgett then laid down. Lieutenant Perkins, who joined 
the company in July as Second Lieutenant, had been promoted to First Lieuten- 
ant and was now the commanding officer of D. Of the Sergeants of D in May, 
Bassett was dead, Blake was yet a prisoner, Francis had been mustered out, 
Brady was First Lieutenant of Company I, and the only one remaining with the 
company was Young, now its Second Lieutenant, a deserved honor for the gal- 
lantry he had displayed in many engagements, and for the fidelity with which he 
had served the company as Acting First Sergeant in 1862, and again in 1863, and 
as Acting First Sergeant and First Sergeant in 1 864. Of the Corporals and Privates 
making up the strength of D when it landed at Bermuda Hundred, some had 
been killed, many had died of wounds, many more were too disabled by wounds 
to reenter active service, and others had served their full three years and had 
been mustered out. Although the Eleventh Maine of the campaign of 1865 was 
largely different in material and organization from that of 1864, yet the work it 
did in the assault on Petersburgh and in the pursuit of Lee showed that the regi- 
ment was still worthy of its honored name. The changes were not confined to 
the regiment. A new brigade commander was given us in Colonel Dandy of the 
looth New York, the ranking Colonel of the brigade now that Colonel Plaisted 
had resigned. General Foster had become division commander, and the corps 



56 

was no longer the Tenth, but the Twenty-fourth, and in command of General 
Gibbon, formerly a division commander of the Second Corps, while the arm}' of 
the James was now commanded by General Ord, formerly of the Eighteenth 
Corps, which corps was now the Twenty-fifth. The newly organized Twenty- 
fourth Army Corps was fortunate in its composition of veteran troops, 
and in its commander a West Pointer with a practical military experi- 
ence since the opening of the war and always in positions of responsibility, 
till his bravery and his devotion to every duty devolving on him had won 
him the command of the corps. Though a strict disciplinarian, and a stern 
man at need, as we soon found. General Gibbon was a kindly man and with 
a bit of sentiment in his make-up, for when he selected a heart as a badge for our 
new corps he promulgated an order in which he said : ' ' The symbol selected 
testifies our affectionate regard for all our brave comrades, alike the living and 
the dead, and our devotion to our sacred cause." True and well said, every 
word touching a sympathetic chord, and for this assurance that he was one with 
them in sympathy, hope and devotion, the hearts of his men went out to the 
General, and from then on he could look for unswerving fidelity from both officers 
and men. A happy begining for the new corps ; contributing no little to the 
brilliancy of its services in the short and glorious campaign of 1865, when it 
assaulted and carried strongly entrenched and strongly held positions, and 
marched day and night with a speed and endurance unequalled in the histor}- of 
the war, until it flung itself across Ivce's path and withstood the last charge of 
the Army of Northern Virginia. 

The winter of 1864-5 was passed by our men in the rude huts 
they erected of logs, boards and canvas, getting height by digging a few 
feet into the ground, sealing and flooring the sunken portion. These 
huts were heated by sheet iron stoves, and were fitted up with ingeniously 
contrived bunks and home-made furniture, so that the men were very comfortable 
in them ; the officers were really no more so in their more commodious log houses 
with their chimneys fitted with fire places. The duties of the winter were the 
usual military ones of drill, fatigue, guard, and picket, supplemented by the car- 
rying out of an order to have the troops in line of battle every morning at from 
shortly before daybreak until sunrise, that they might rush to the parapets and 
repel any attempted surprise by the enemy, who were doubtless standing in a 
shivering line behind their works as we were behind ours, both lines with an 
identical fear. The picket duty, always an uncomfortable one, was particularly 
so this winter from the extreme cold — a remarkable thing for a Virginia winter — 
but by keeping great log fires blazing on the reserve lines, and changing the out- 
posts every hour, there was little suffering, no more than the men were willing to 
endure in consideration of the generous ration of whiskey served out to the 
relieved pickets as soon as they reached their camps. Winter passed and spring 
came, and with it the inspections and reviews that indicate impending movement 
to experienced troops. Finally our corps was reviewed by President Lincoln. It 
was the first and the last sight we had of our beloved President. And for his 
sake we will ever have a kind remembrance of the great field of dull green, with 
enveloping woods, that the review was held in, and of the long steel-tipped lines 



57 

of troops, and of the gaily appareled cloud of officers galloping behind the plainly 
dressed man, with the rugged, seamed, but kindly face, whose long legs reached 
nearly to the ground from the rather short legged horse he was astride of, Mrs. 
Lincoln rolling along in a carriage behind the reviewing party. 

THE FALL OF PETERSBURGH. 

General Humphreys says that late in the winter of 1865, General Grant 
became aware that General I,ee had determined to abandon Petersburgh and 
Richmond in the early spring and unite with General Johnston, then in front of 
General Sherman, in North Carolina. Briefly the Confederate plan was to evade 
Grant, crush Sherman, and then face Grant with a united and victorious army. 
But Grant thought it wise to take the initiative, drive I^ee from his intrench ments 
before he was ready to leave them, and try to crush him before he could unite 
with Johnston. In response to an invitation from General Grant, General Sher- 
man visited him at City Point, the 27th day of March, and they arranged that 
Sherman should suddenly move away from his works before Johnston, march 
northward, and either join Grant before Richmond, or if I^ee was moving south — 
either of his own volition or because driven south — should head him off, and 
unite with Grant in decimating his forces before he could get aid from Johnston. 
That very night, General Ord, in command of the Army of the James, moved 
from the north side of the James with two divisions of the Twenty-fourth Corps, 
one of the Twenty-fifth and his cavalry, making a forced march over terrible roads, 
in the dark, rainy night, and the stormy day succeeding it, we took position at a 
late hour of the 28th of March in the rear of the Second Corps at Hatcher's Run, 
having traveled thirty-six miles to do so. The morning of the 28th, General Sheri- 
dan had moved out with the cavalry of the Army of the Potomac, and working 
to the left of our army, sought to reach the right and rear of that of the enemy. 
This movement was supported on the 29th by the Second and Fifth Corps, 
when we moved to the front to take the position vacated by the Second Corps. 
This movement to the left had the effect desired by General Grant, General 
L,ee strongly reenforcing the force opposing Sheridan, having to weaken his 
lines before Petersburgh to do so. Sheridan pressed forward the 29th, the 30th, 
the 31st, the enemy growing in his front as he forced them backwards until 
April ist, when with his cavalry force and the Fifth Corps he fought the battle 
of Five Forks, capturing Pickett, 4,500 men, 13 colors and 6 guns. 

While the battle of Five Forks was raging. General Grant, from information 
brought him from Sheridan, pushed the Second Corps forward to carry the 
enemy's intrenchments, those to our left. Their attack failed. The order issued 
by Grant that night called for an sssault in the early morning of the 2d of April, 
by the Sixth, the Ninth and so much of our corps as Ord had marched across the 
river. The Sixth Corps, on our immediate right (the Ninth Corps lying beyond 
it) was to break the enemy's line. Its formidable attack, calculated to carry 
any sort of work it might find before it, and howsoever defended, was made at 
daylight by its three divisions, formed by brigades with regimental front, and 
swept all before it, quickly beating down the enemy's sharp resistance and 
capturing a long line of three miles with many guns and prisoners. The Ninth 



5S 

Corps attacked at the same time, taking the works so familiar to us, on both 
sides of the Jerusalem Plank Road, but finding a line of works in the rear of those 
they captured, and strongly held by General Gordon's Corps, they made no 
further advance. The Eleventh had moved out to the front the 29th of March 
with the rest of its corps, when the Second Corps moved to the left. The night 
of the 29th the regiment lay in the woods before an outljnng line of the enemy. 
The 30th it pressed forward with its division, driving the enemy into their works. 
The picket line of the regiment then thrown out before the part of their works in 
our front, becoming heavily engaged, company after company was sent to its 
reenforcement until the whole regiment was engaged. In its immediate front, 
just across a wide slashing, and sweeping our lines, was a rebel battery. Its fire 
became so distressing to our men, that they determined to silence it. Carefully 
concentrating their fire upon its guns mounted ot barbette, it was not long before 
the battery's fire slackened, and was finally completely silenced, the gunners 
flatly refusing to man their guns in the face of the uninterrupted storm of bullets 
sweeping across the parapet. Night came on with the regiment in the same 
position it had occupied during the day. As it grew dark we fell back into the 
woods a few rods. Then a numerous fatigue party, made up from the regiments 
of the brigade, was sent out to throw up a line of intrenchments, a heavy picket 
line covering this fatigue work, with the regiments of the brigade some rods in 
the rear lying in line of battle behind their stacked guns. Towards morning the 
monotonous roll of picket firing that had been kept up during the night 
suddenly rose in volume on our immediate front, then the charging yell of a rebel 
line of battle brought every man of us to his feet. Well, within a minute the 
brands of the low burning bivouac fires were scattered to the right and left, that 
their flickering light might not serve the enemy to pour a volley into us by, 
(I can see Sergeant Keene jumping and kicking with characteristic promptness 
and vigor at the brands of a fire D had,) and we had seized our guns, set up an 
answering yell, and were rushing through the darkness at the oncoming enemy. 
At our yell the enemy, who had run over our pickets, expecting to surprise us, 
supposing our line of battle to be lying right behind the picket one, the 
momentum of their charge gone, their blow delivered in the air, our yell rising 
from an unexpected position, caused them to stand, irresolute and uncertain, for 
the brief moment we needed in which to reach the just thrown up works, works 
that the enemy was not aware of the existence of, and that the darkness prevented 
their seeing, and occupying the reverse side of as a cov^er against our counter 
charge, they halting within a rod or so of them. And before they could realize 
their exposed position, and in spite of the loudly expressed determination of our 
Brigade Commander, that they should not, the men of the Eleventh had opened 
so severe a fire on the dark mass of agitated figures that could be dimly seen 
against a background of lightening sky, that those of the enemy who did not 
throw themselves flat upon the ground to escape it, and remain so until daylight 
when they gave themselves up as prisoners, went fleeing through the darkness 
pursued by a storm of bullets, losing heavily in the progress of their escape. 
General Dandy did not remonstrate against the orders the officers of the Eleventh 
were giving their men to fire, out of regard for the Confederates, but in the 



59 

confusion and darkness of the hour he had lost the position of his regiments, 
and was really confident that the mass of men in our front was composed of our 
own troops. To solve the question it was shouted to those men ' ' What regiment 
is that?" "The Eleventh," was the answer, " The Eleventh what ? " They 
would not answer the question. Could it be that it was really a part of our 
regiment in advance of us ? We could not clearly see the length of a companj-, 
much less that of our regiment, so could not make sure by observnng the length of 
our line that we were not behind a part of our own regiment. " Who's your 
Colonel?" cried a voice to them, "Colonel Davis," was the answer, and 
" Fire, Fire," rang out along our line, and the rolling volleys did their dreadful 
work. It was the Eleventh Mississippi that stood before us, and Colonel Davis, 
their Colonel was in command of the assaulting brigade. This was the morning 
of April ist. We lay behind the new but already christened works that day, 
with a heavy and constantly engaged skirmish line before us. At night we went 
into position for the assault of the morning of the 2d, spending the night largely 
in listening to the tremendous roar of the cannon bombarding the Confederate 
lines, waiting in suspense until we should move forward at the signal — a cannon 
shot from a particular point — that should send the Sixth Corps men through the 
stubborn works before us. It was so dark a night that it was nearly 5 o'clock 
before the troops could see to move at all intelligently, and then the)- could see 
but a few yards before them. But at the cannon shot the massed brigades of the 
Sixth moved forward rapidly, broke the enemj-'s picket line, and poured over 
their main defenses. At this moment our own picket line, a heavy one, and 
reenforced by the brigade sharp shooters, picked men, commanded by lyieutenant 
Payne, all under command of Captain Maxfield, as brigade officer of the day, 
who the Captain had pressed forward during the night until they were close 
under the works in our front, at this movement they were ordered to charge, and 
regardless of the opposing numbers, dashed over the abatis and into the 
Confederate works, laying about them so vigorously that the enemy viewed them 
as part of an advancing line of battle, throwing down their rifles and surrendering 
in such numbers that Captain Maxfield seemed to be in command of a small 
section of the rebel army to the brigade as it moved over the works to his support. 
He had a most efficient coadjutor in caring for his prisoners, and separating them 
so far from their thrown down rifles as to remove any temptation they might have 
to pick them up again when they should realize how small a force the}- had 
surrendered to, for he had promptly appointed Sergeant Locke, of Company K, 
as his Provost. "Fall in here, the tallest on the right," shouted that active 
officer, " Now count off by twos," then it was " Right face, Forward March," 
and the unarmed Mississippians were swinging off with a, firm, military stride, 
under a new commander. 

Promptly making connection with the Sixth Corps advance. General Gibbon 
moved ^s with them towards Petersburgh. By arrangement our corps took 
precedence of the Sixth after crossing the captured works, the Sixth forming on 
the right and left as a support. Our advance soon reached the Confederate works, 
advanced before their main inner line, here running up from the Appomattox 
and along Indian Town Creek. The advanced works we moved directly on 



6o 

were Forts Greg-g and Whitworth. Our division was moved to the front and an 
assault made on these forts. 

These forts, especially Gregg, made a desperate defense. General Gibbon 
says that the assault on this fort was " the most desperate one of the war." It 
was only taken by a determined bayonet dash led by I^ieutenant Payne, of our 
regiment, who was the first man to leap into the fort and who owed his life to his 
skill with the use of the saber, a skill acquired as a trooper in Mexico, and in 
many desperate Indian fights during a term of service on the plains of the west. 
As Gregg fell, Whitworth was carried, and the first in it too were of the Eleventh, 
Companies A and B, that had been detached as skirmishers when the regiment 
crossed the Confederate works in the morning. These companies had driven the 
enemj^'s skirmishers through the fields between the enemey's lines of works, 
finally forcing them into a great area of log barracks flanking Whitworth, when 
the Confederates made it warm for our men in every way, they setting fire to the 
barracks, and fighting from street to street of the blazing structures. Finally the 
rebel skirmishers fell back into Whitworth, A and B then crowded closely to this 
work, returning its heavy fire with interest, until Turner's brigade of West 
Virginians moved forward to assault the fort, when the boys of these companies 
of the Eleventh darted forward at the head of the assaulting column, entering 
the fort by its sallyport, and the rebels were already throwing down their guns 
when Turner's men appeared on the scene. Nor were A and B yet satisfied. 
Anticipating an immediate assault on the enemy's inner and only remaining line 
of works, these companies pushed across the intervening fields and secured a 
skirmishing pOvSition on Indian Town Creek, where they remained for some time, 
anxiously looking for an advancing Union column, and fully determined to head 
it, and if possible be the first armed Yankees to enter the Cockade City. But 
General Humphreys says the Sixth Corps men were exhausted, having been 
under arms for eighteen hours now, and it was concluded not to attack further 
until the next morning. Up to the night of the 2d of April, of D, Privates 
Tehan, Mathews, Morrill, Ryan, Stratton and Watson were wounded. Privates 
Ryan and Watson mortally, and Sergeant Gowell, Privates Bickmore, Brien, 
Findel, Geary, Gibbs, Seavey, Simmonds and Stevens were taken prisoners. Of 
the prisoners Private Bickmore was wounded when captured. The prisoners 
from D were taken while on the picket line, when the Mississippians ran over it 
the morning of April ist, and Private Peter Haegan would have been added to 
their list but for his shrewdly begging permission of his captor to be allowed to get 
the haversack Peter had left at the foot of a tree near the post he was surprised 
on. The good natured Mississippian allowed him to go the few feet only 
separating him and his provender bag, but Peter failed to return, preferring to 
throw himself upon the ground and crawl to the rear until he had reached our 
line. 

THE PURSUIT AND THE SURRENDER. 

The morning of the 3d of April it was quickly known that Lee's army had 
escaped in the direction of Amelia Court. House, and that his troops from both 
Richmond and Petersburgh were concentrating there. But his objective point 



6i 

was the question. Was he intending to move directly west towards Lynchburgh, 
or southwest for Danville ? In either case he must do so through Burkeville 
Junction, where the Southside and the Richmond and Danville railroads cross 
each other. Sheridan with his cavalry and the Fifth Corps, followed by Meade with 
the Second and Sixth Corps, pushed along the south side of the Appomattox 
River to keep in constant touch of Lee's movements and to strike the Danville 
road between its crossing the Appomattox at High Bridge and Burkeville 
Junction, while Ord with the troops of the Twenty-fourth Corps as a flying 
column, in the lightest possible marching order, should directly push for the 
Junction, moving along the Southside road, with the Ninth Corps following. 
We reached the Junction in the night of the 5th, havdng marched fifty-two miles 
since the morning of the 3d. And that night General Read, of General Ord's staff, 
moved towards High Bridge with a small force, his orders requiring him to seize and 
burn that bridge and those at Farmville, if possible. This by order of General 
Grant, and transmitted through Sheridan, then at about half-way between Burke- 
ville Junction and Amelia Court House. The morning of the 6th, Ord was notified 
by Sheridan that I^ee was apparently moving on the Junction. As soon as Grant 
was informed of this, he directed Ord to move to Rice Station, two-thirds of the 
way towards Farmville, when there we were directly in Lee's road were he 
pushing for either Lynchburg or Danville. At the same time messengers were 
hurried to overtake General Read before he should reach High Bridge, where the 
van of Lee's army already was, but it was too late to save the fated j^oung ofl&cer 
from death, and his small command from almost annihilation. At Rice Station 
we found Longstreet's Command intrenched and ready for us, Longstreet quite 
willing to fight for the time Anderson, Ewell and Gordon needed to march by 
his rear with the wagon trains they were convoying from Amelia Court House. 
But as it was about night, we contented ourselves with taking position to attack 
from in the early morning. During this day, the 6th, Sheridan and Meade were 
constantly attacking Lee's army at every possible point, and successfully, too, 
for they captured Ewell and his entire command, together with one-half of 
Anderson's, a large part of Gordon's, and destroyed the greater part of the trains 
they were making such useless sacrifices for. Longstreet escaped us while we 
were sleeping before his intrenchments at Rice Station. Marching to Farmville 
he crossed to the north bank of the Appomattox, and in the morning, that of the 
7th, began to move towards Lynchburgh by the road leading through 
Appomattox Court House. He was followed by Gordon, and he by Mahone. 
Finding that Longstreet had stolen away, Ord moved on towards Farmville in 
pursuit, marching by the short cut wagon road Longstreet had gone over, instead 
of following the railroad to High Bridge. Wright was now following us with the 
Sixth Corps. All the bridges but one across the Appomattox had been destroyed 
by the rebels after crossing, and they were in the act of destroying that one, a 
wagon road bridge near High Bridge, when the Second Corps advance, under 
Barlow, reached it and saved it. 

The Second Corps immediately crossed the Appomattox by this bridge, 
treading so closely on the heels of the Confederates that General Barlow overtook 
Gordon's Corps, attacked it and cut off" a large part of the wagon train it was 



62 

covering. So threatening was the Second Corps in its movements, that Lee was 
forced to halt his force and take a strong position on the crest of a long slope of 
ground that covered the stage and plank roads leading to Lj^nchburg. Here he 
threw up light intrenchments and put artillery in position. After riding along 
the ground taken up by lyce, General Meade ordered the Second Corps to attack, 
at the same time sending messengers to Ord to have our division and the Sixth 
Corps cross the river at Farmville, and help force Lee into a general engagement. 
But as there was no bridge remaining near us for us to cross by, nor could a 
fordable place be found, this order could not be obeyed. The Second Corps 
attack then, unsupported, was but a partial success, but enables General 
Humphreys, then in command of that Corps, to claim with reason that by the 
enforced detention due to the vigor and aggressiveness of the mov^ement of the 
Second Corps, Lee lost the supplies awaiting him at Appomattox Station and 
gave time for Sheridan with his cavalry and Ord with the Fifth and Twenty" 
fourth Corps to put themselves across his path at Appomattox Court House. 
The Second and Sixth Corps pushed directly after Lee the morning of the 8th. 
He had moved in the night toward Lynchburg. These Corps kept up this direct 
pursuit until midnight, only halting after making a march of twenty-six miles. 
The morning of the 8th, the Twenty-fourth and the Fifth Corps pushed out from 
near Farmville, and accompanied by General Grant and staff, pushed towards 
Appomattox Court House by the shortest roads. All da)^ long these Corps 
pressed forward, the men, although tired and footsore, requiring neither urging 
nor command to put forth every effort to head Lee off from Lynchburg, for all 
understood that it was Grant's purpose for us to march by Lee's army and head 
him off, while the Second and Sixth Corps should dog his heels and hamper his 
speed by forcing him to turn and defend himself at QVQXy opportunity they could 
get. It was a question of legs and endurance now. On and on our men plodded, 
none falling out until worn out. All were too tired even to raise a cheer in passing 
General Grant as he was sitting on a roadside log resting himself while enjoying 
a quiet smoke. And General Ord secured this tribute w^hen, in response to the 
cries of " Coffee" that ran along the marching line he was riding by to reach the 
head of the column, he halted it as soon as he gained its advance, that the tired, 
hungry men might rest a bit while they cooked their coffee, every man his own, 
in his tin dipper set on one of the hastily lighted roadside fires. Ord was one of 
the general officers that knew the needs of men. " Get out of the road men," 
shouted one of his staff as they rode along through a line of men resting in the 
dusty road. "Stop Sir," said the gray old general sternly, "the men are 
tired, rein to the roadside and follow that." As the day passed we found 
ourselves on the track of Sheridan ; prisoners, guns and trains of wagons 
captured by his vigorous advance, lined the roadside, encouraging our tired men 
to put forth every exertion. Darkness found us still pressing on and it was not 
until about daybreak that we halted for more than a few minutes rest at a time, 
the Fifth Corps plodding on at our heels in dogged determination to be there too. 
At about daylight we reached the vicinity of Appomattox Station, which 
Sheridan's Cavalry had reached a few hours before, and in time to capture a 
train of artillery and three trains of cars loaded with subsistence supplies for 



I^ee's army. Our division halted near the captured cars, and details of our men 
set to work to divide the fat sides of Virginia bacon they were mainly loaded 
with, among their regiments, and tired, sleepy, but more hungry than either, we 
made coSfee, greedily ate great slices of uncooked bacon with the few crackers of 
hard bread yet remaining in the haversacks, thinking it as appetizing and 
satisfying a meal as we had ever eaten. But we had not fairly wiped the bacon 
grease from our smacking lips when the roar of guns and the roll of musketry 
rose from the immediate front, telling us that our cavalry was heavily engaged. 
Falling in quickly at the sharp voiced orders transmitted from Gibbon down, the 
men were double quicked on the sound of battle. We soon came up with the 
retiring cavalry, Crook's and Custer's men stubbornly fighting Gordon's 
advancing infantr}^ column. As we sped by them into the woods Gordon's men 
were pushing through, a voice shouted, " There's the Eleventh Maine," and a 
wild cheer rose from a body of cavalry on our right. It was the First Maryland, 
now mounted and serving in its own arm of the service. Inspired by this 
recognition and complimentarj^ tribute, the Eleventh dashed vigorously forward 
and crossed the road Eee's army was now making its last advance on. The gray 
lines of Gordon's men were dashing forward as the cavalry fell back behind us, 
but as the swiftly deploying lines of battle of our division unrolled before them, 
and the long line of blue-clad men pressed forward to receive them, the last 
advance of the Army of Northern Virginia became a hasty retreat. Negotiations 
that had been going on between Grant and Eee by letter for two days were now 
resumed with the result that we all know of. But while the leaders were 
conferring, we of the opposing rank and file were not sitting down in the amity 
the histories of the war indicate we were. Blood was shed on the hills of 
Appomattox that day. As the column of Gordon fell back in the haste o^ 
consternation at the unexpected appearance of infantry in their path, we followed 
after it, and entering the wide field beyond which the Confederates were drawn 
up behind planted artillery, we were ordered by General Foster to press across it. 
Then, though unsupported, the Eleventh pushed forward, and finding its 
progress contested by the fire of a battery before it, broke into a yell and charged 
the guns. The swift advance was met not only by a sweep of grape and canister, 
but by the volley fire of a supporting line of battle. In the confusion the two 
right companies were separated from the left one, rejoining the regiment as it lay 
in a protecting declension of the open field before the battery it had sought to 
capture, grape, canister and bullets sweeping over it in appalling volume. Many 
of those remaining at the log houses the right companies of the regiment had 
occupied before rejoining the regiment were captured, the Confederate cavalry 
pushing forward and enveloping this advance position about the time the main 
body of the occupying companies abandoned it to rejoin the regiment. To make 
a short story of it, a number of the Eleventh were killed and wounded before the 
regiment got out of its untenable position before the battery, which it did b}- 
moving down one protecting ravine and up another that led nearly back to the posi- 
tion in the woods it had charged from. It was at the moment of retreat that private 
Moses E. Sherman, of D, was killed, struck dead at the feet of the First Sergeant 
of the company. Sergeant Keene, who would not believe his friend dead at first. 



64 

nor would he leave the field until he was convinced that ' ' Mustache ' ' was dead. 
Poor little "Mustache!" ever cheerfully smiling, ever ready for lark or duty, 
more than liked by all of us, it seems hard indeed that one so able and willing to 
enjoy life, and to make life enjoyable for others, should lie dead on the last 
battlefield of the war. The lot of the Sherman boys was a hard one. Both 
original members of the company, both taken prisoners at Fair Oaks to endure 
the privations of Libby Prison together, both reenlisted, William to be mortally 
wounded at Deep Bottom in August, '64, and Moses to die in the last charge that 
our old company was called upon to participate in. Scarcely had the regiment 
reached a sheltered position, when companies A and B were thrown out as part 
of a skirmish line forming to cover an attack General Ord was preparing, and 
this skirmish line was moving swiftly across the field intervening between the 
battle lines when a galloping aid overtook it and announced Lee's surrender. 
Besides Private Sherman killed, Private Burns and Curtis of D were wounded in 
making the assault on the battery, which proved to be a liberal section of the 
celebrated Washington artillery. The formal surrender of the regiments of the 
Army of Northern Virginia was made to the Fifth and Twenty-fourth Corps, as 
they were the Corps that, out marching the Confederates, had closed the road of 
their retreat. We encamped on the battlefield during the progress of the 
surrender, and it was not until the men of the last regiment of Lee's Army had 
stacked arms, laid its ragged colors on the now useless bayonets, and marched 
mournfully away to ruined homes to begin the world over again, that we took up 
our line of march for Richmond, the last of the Corps of the Army of the Potomac 
preceding us by a few days. 

AFTER THE SURRENDER. 

Our Corps moved towards Richmond in a leisurely and gala-day manner, 
the bands playing whenever we moved through a village or country "city," 
(the white flag flying from every house in token of acquiesence in the terms of 
the surrender.) Our columns, objects of intense curiosity to sway crowds of 
women and children, white and black, with swarthy, gray clothed veterans 
peeping grimly from out of the background at the men they had never before 
been so near except in armed violence. We arrived at Manchester, opposite 
Richmond, the 25th of April, where we camped for the night. The 26th we 
entered the city and were received by the occupying troops, troops of the Ami)- 
of the James, the city having surrendered to General Weitzel's advance from the 
north side, on the morning of April 3d. There was a marked contrast in the 
appearance of ourseh^es and the receiving comrades. They as spick and span as 
if just turned out of military band boxes, we ragged and dust laden, but as we 
marched along between their drawn up lines, it was plainly expressed to us that 
they would gladly be able to change places with Foster's division to bear its 
prestige of endurance and intrepidity. Nor did the crowds of people thronging 
the streets we marched through, sidewalks, steps, doors and windows, seem to 
think our dusty line suffering by comparison, the man}- military looking men in 
these throngs watching the soldierly swing of our marching column with manifest 
though silent approval. And the Eleventh, with its one-armed Colonel riding at 



65 

its head, its bullet tattered banners floating above it, and its men of '6i, '62, '63^ 
and '64 now welded by association, discipline and common danger into a compact 
if conglomerate mass, attracted no little attention as it kept step to the audacious 
declarations of its band — " That in Dixies land it took its stand to live and die in 
Dixies land." " Yes, " drawled one ex-confederate officer to another, "they say 
this regiment was in the adv^ance at Fair Oaks, McClellan's old boj'S ; none 
better." We went into camp in a grove back of the city. Here we remained for 
several months, doing such dutj- as was necessary in the militarily occupied city. 
From Richmond the " '62 " men took their departure for Maine, the three years 
they had enlisted for having expired. The company was now officered by 
W. H. H. Frye as Captain, Nelson H. Norris as First Lieutenant, Lieutenant 
Perkins had become Captain of K, Lieutenant Young First Lieutenant of A, 
and First Sergeant Keene was made Second Lieutenant of H, a richl}^ deserved 
honor, for there was no better soldier in the regiment than Josiah F. Keene. 
This reduced the ' ' original members ' ' remaining with the company to First 
Sergeant McGraw, Corporal Annis, Privates Day, Dunifer and Longley. The 
remainder of the companj^ now that the " '62" men were gone, being made up of 
the men of '63, who had joined the regiment at Gloucester Point, in April, 1864, 
and of the ones who had joined in the fall of 1864. On the 24th of November 
we were moved to Fredericksburgh, the headquarters of the military department 
known as that of Northeastern Virginia, then commanded by Brigadier-General 
Harris, but soon by Colonel Hill, for some time now Brevet Brigadier-General 
Hill. From here the companies were scattered through the department, D going 
to Northumberland County in what was called the sub-district of Essex. In 
Januar}', 1866, the companies assembled at Fredericksburgh to goto City Point, 
where we were formally mustered out on the 2d of February, but we retained our 
company and regimental organization until we reached Augusta, where on the 
loth day of Februar}- we were paid off, and Old Company D broke ranks for the 
last time. 

The 26 in service at Muster-out of Regiment were : 



Charles Sellmer, Capt. Co. B. 
Albert Maxfield, Capt. Co. H. 
Ellery D. Perkins, Capt. Co. K. 
Wm. H. H. Frye, Capt. Co. D. 
Robert Brady, Jr., ist Lieut. Co. I. 
Nelson H. Norris, ist Lieut. Co. D. 
JUDSON L. Young, ist Lieut. Co. A. 
Josiah F. Keene, 2d Lieut. Co. H. 
Timothy McGraw^ ist Sergt. 
Stephen Mudgett, Sergt. 
Daniel W. Woodbury, Sergt. 
John Deacon, Sergt. 
Frank E. Young, Sergt. 



Jotham S. Annis, Corporal. 
Andrew J. Mudgett, Corporal. 
James E. Dow, Corporal. 
Frederick Arnold, Private. 
RuEL C. Burgess, Private. 
John W. Day, Private. 
Prince E. Dunifer, Private. 
Alexander B. Dyer, Private. 
Hervey B. Johnson, Private. 
Leonard C. Judkins, Private. 
John Longley, Private. 
Dennis Tehan, Private. 
Joseph Vandenbosch, Private. 



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F*ERsoNAL Sketches. 



Captain Leonard S. Harvey entered service as Captain, and resigned soon 
after the Regiment entered active service. 



Captain John D. Stanwood entered service as ist Lietenant. He commanded 
Co. D, from July, '62, until December, '62, and resigned on account of ill health 
January 19, '63. 

Captain Albert G. Mudgett entered service as 2d lyieutenant of Co. K, was 
promoted ist lyieutenant of Co. G, December i, '62, Captain Co. D, June 13, '63, 
was taken prisoner at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, '64, and was a prisoner 
until the close of the war. 

Captain Wm. H. H. Frye entered service as Corporal, in Co. A, was promoted 
Sergeant, October 3, '62, discharged for disability December 18, '62, 
reenlisted Private in Co. A, November 17, '63, was promoted ist Sergeant March 
4, '64, was wounded severelj^ in leg at Deep Run, Va., August 16, '64, 
commissioned 2d lyieutenant Co. B, August 16, '64, but not mustered, promoted 
ist Lieutenant Co. C, December 13, '64, and Captain Co. D, June 23, '65. 
During the spring campaign of 1S65, lyieutenant Frye served on the staff of 
Major-General R. S. Foster, commanding ist division, 24th A. C. and did gallant 
and meritorious service in the pursuit of Lee's Arni}^ from Petersburg to 
Appomattox, for which he was promoted Brevet-Captain of U. S. Vols, by the 
President. When the regiment was ordered to the N. E. District of Va. Captain 
Frj-e was assigned to duty in the sub-district of Essex, as Provost-Marshal and 
Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen, in the Counties of Northumberland and 
Westmoreland, Va., where he served until ordered to be mustered out. 



Lieutenant Leonard Butler entered service as 2d Lieutenant of Co. H. He 
was promoted ist Lieutenant Co D, November i, '62. He commanded Co. D 
from December '62 to April 14, '63. 



Col. Chas. Sellmer joined Co. D as ist Lieutenant, June 13, 1863, from ist 
Sergeant Battery D ist U. S. Artillery, in which he had served from November 
8, 1854, to date of joining nth Maine. During these nine j^ears he served in 
Fla. , (taking part in second Seminole War, ) Va. , La. , and S. C. , and was present at 
surrender of Baton Rouge Arsenal to the State of Louisiana in February, 1861, 
declining splendid offers made him if joining the Southern Cause. Lieutenant 
Sellmer acted as instructor of Artillery to the nth Maine, and as A. A. I. G. 
District of Amelia Island until ordered to command a detachment of 40 men from 
Co's C, E, G & K, nth Maine to serve as artillerists on Morris Island, S. C, 
during the siege of Charleston and Fort Wagner, manning mortar batteries and 
the famous "Swamp Angel," which fired the first shell into the city. Upon 
the organization of the "Army of the James" he was appointed A. A. I. G. 3d 



74 

Brig, ist Div. loth A. C. and A. A. I. G. ist Div. loth A. C. December 1864. 
Promoted Captain Co. B, July 17, 1864. Captain Sellmer served on the staff of 
Major-General R. S. Foster, commanding ist Div. 24th A. C. during the winter 
of 1864, to July, 1S65, and as A. A. I. G. of Dept. Va. from that time to muster 
out of the regiment. He was breveted Major for "conspicuous gallantry in the 
assault on Fort Gregg, Va.," and Lieutenant-Colonel for '' gallant and 
meritorious services during the war." He was in the field from the surrender of 
Baton Rouge Arsenal, La. 1861, until the war ended with Lee's surrender, was 
twice wounded, though never reported officially. Appointed 2d Lieutenant U. S. 
Army September 2d, 1867. Graduated at the U. S. Artillery School at Fortress 
Monroe, Va., in 1872. Promoted ist Lieutenant, 3d Artillery, July 2d, 1877, 
which position he holds to date, (a Lieutenant for 23 years,) with no hope for 
promotion before his retirement by operation of law in 1896. During his 23 
5^ears service as a commissioned officer of the regular army, he has served in 
almost every capacity — Commissary of Subsistence, Quartermaster, Adjutant, 
Ordnance Officer, Post Treasurer, Recruiting Officer, Battery Commander of heavy 
and light Artillery Batteries in almost every State of the Union. 



Captain Albert Maxfield entered service as Private in Co. C, was promoted 
Commissary Sergeant of the Regiment, January 3, '63. Reenlisted February 29, 
'64. Promoted Sergeant-Maj or March i, '64, 2d Lieutenant Co. D, May 10, '64, ist 
Lieutenant Co. D, July 18, '64, and Captain Co. H, December 17, '64. 
Lieutenant Maxfield commanded Co. D, from June 2, '64 to July 28, '64 and 
from August 29, '64 to December 21, '64. He was slightly wounded October 7, 
'64. He commanded the regiment from November 2, '64, until after the 
Presidential Election, the Eleventh being one of the regiments selected by Major- 
General B. F. Butler to assist in keeping the peace in New York City during the 
election. In the campaign in pursuit of Lee's Army from Petersburg to 
Appomattox, there being but one field officer on duty with the regiment. Captain 
Maxfield was assigned to the command of the left wing. He was taken prisoner 
at Appomattox, went to Annapolis, was declared exchanged May i, '61^ and 
returned to the regiment. He was member of a Court-Martial at Headquarters 
ist division 24th A. C. while the regiment was at Chapin's Farm, and also at 
camp of 20th N. Y. S. M. in the summer of '65. When the regiment was ordered 
to the N. E. District of Va. he was given command of the Sub-District of 
Essex, comprising the counties of Essex, Middlesex, King and Queen, Lancaster, 
Richmond, Westmoreland and Northumberland, with Headquarters at Tappa- 
hannock, where he remained until ordered to be mustered out. 



Captain EHer}- D. Perkins was the son of James Perkins, who served in the 
war of 1812, a musician in the 17th U. S. Infantry. Captain Perkins entered 
service a Private in Co. B, he was promoted Sergeant September 8, '62, 
Commissary-Sergeant of the regiment March i,'64, 2d Lieutenant Co. D, Jul}'^ 19, 
'64, ist Lieutenant Co. D, December 18, '64, and Captain Co. K, April 16, '65. 
Lieutenant Perkins acted R. Q. M. from November i, '64 to November 30, '64, 



75 

Commanded Co. F, from December i, '64 to December 21, '64. Commanded 
Co. D from December 21, '64 to February, '65, and from March, '65 to April 16, 
'65. Commanded Co. K, from April 16, '65, until mustered out of service. 
When the regiment was ordered to the Northeastern District of Va., he was 
assigned to duty as Provost-Marshal and Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen 
for Rappahannock County, with Headquarters at the village of Washington, and 
later was appointed Provost-Marshal of the District of N. E. Va., on the staff of 
Brevet Brigadier-General J. A. Hill, commanding the district with Headquarters 
at Fredericksburg, which position he held until ordered to City Point, Va., to 
be mustered out. 

Lieutenant Nelson H. Norris entered .service as Private in Co. F, was 
wounded at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62, was promoted Hospital Steward, 
November 22, '62, resigned warrant and was transferred to Co. C as Private, 
May I, '64, was wounded at Strawberry Plains, Va., July 26, '64, was promoted 
2d Lieutenant of Co. B, August 13, '64, was w^ounded at Hatcher's Run, Va., 
April 2, '65, was promoted ist Lieutenant Co. D, April 16, '65. During the 
summer of '65, was member of a Court-Martial at the camp of the 20th N. Y. S. 
M., and when the regiment was ordered to the Northeastern District of Va. he 
was Act. Assistant Adjutant-General of the Sub-District of Essex, and afterwards 
Post Q. M. at Tappahannock, Va. , until ordered to City Point, Va., to be 
mustered out. After leaving service he studied medicine and graduated at 
Dartmouth College, in '67, since which he has practised in Maine, Wi.sconsin 
and for the last 12 j^ears in Illinois. 

Lieutenant Gibson S. Budge entered service as 2d Lieutenant. He resigned 
on account of disability before the regiment left Washington. 



Lieutenant P'rancis M. Johnson entered service as Sergeant, was promoted 
2d Lieutenant, March 18, '62. He commanded Co. D from June 22, '62 until 
after the Seven Daj-s Battles before Richmond and until after the regiment arrived 
at Harrison's Landing, also from April 14, '63, to June, '63. He was taken 
prisoner in Mathews County, Va., November 24, '62. 



Lieutenant Judson L. Young entered service as Sergeant, reenlisted 
January 16, '64, was wounded at Deep Run, Va., August 18, '64, was promoted 
ist Sergeant, September 16, '64, 2d Lieutenant December 18, '64, and ist 
Lieutenant Co. A, April 25, '65. As Sergeant, he acted ist Sergeant from Maj^ 
31, '62, to November, '62, and from July 15, '63, to July 10, '64. As Lieutenant 
he commanded Co. D from P'ebruary, '65 to March, '65, and from April 16, 
'65 to June 12, '65, when he took command of Co. A, which command he 
retained until mustered out. When the regiment was ordered to the N. E- 
District of Va., Lieutenant Young was assigned to duty as Provost-Marshal and 
Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen for Fauquier County, with Headquarters 
at Warrenton, and later was Provost-Marshal and Assistant Superintendent of 
Freedman for Spotsylvania Count}-, holding alternate sessions of the Freedman's 
Court at Spotsylvania C. H. and the City of Fredericksburg. 



76 

Ivieutenant Robert Brady entered service as ist Sergeant, was taken prisoner 
at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62, and was confined in Libby Prison, at Prison in 
Saulsbury, N. C, and at Belle Isle in the James River opposite Richmond, nntil 
November, '62, when he was paroled and sent to Annapolis, Md., until declared 
exchanged, when he returned to the regiment, then at Yorktown. Va., he was 
promoted 2d Lieutenant Co. B, October i, '62, transferred lo Co. G Nov. 
19, '62, and resigned on account of impaired health, March 14, '63. 



I St Sergeant Abner F. Bassett entered service as Sergeant, was promoted 
ist Sergeant November i, '62. He was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, 'Va., May 
31, '62, and was a prisoner with ist Sergeant Brady and others until Nov., '62, 
when he returned to the regiment. He was on recruiting service at Portland, 
Me., from Aug. 15, '63, to July 10, '64. He was killed on the picket line in 
front of Petersburgh, Va., Sept. 15, '64, and was buried on the i6th, near our 
camp, " amid the booming of cannon and whistling of bullets" — so reads the 
entry made in the diary of Sergeant-Major Morton. 



lyieutenant Josiah F. Keene entered service as Private, was promoted 
Corporal May 16, '62. At the Battle of White Oaks Swamp, June 30, '62, he 
acted as Orderly to Colonel H. M. Plaisted, commanding the regiment, and 
several times volunteered to advance beyond the skirmish line to a point where 
he could observe any attempt on the part of the enemy to cross the swamp- 
Here also he discovered and recovered the three horses tied to a tree, between 
the lines, belonging to officers of the Union Army, to which Colonel P. refers in 
his report to the Adjutant-General of Maine. For his coolness and services 
during the battle he was highly complimented by Colonel Plaisted. 

He was taken prisoner in Matthews Co., Va., Nov. 24, '62, and was paroled 
from Libby Prison and exchanged. Reenlisted Jan. 18, '64. Was wounded 
severely in left shoulder, at Deep Bottom, Va., Aug. 14, '64. Promoted Sergeant, 
Sept. 16, '64 ; ist Sergeant, Jan. i, '65, and 2d L,ieutenant, Co. H, April 25, '65. 

When the regiment was ordered to the N. E. District of Va., he was 
assigned to duty as Provost-Marshal and Assistant Superintendent of Freedmen, 
for Middlesex County, Va., with Headquarters at Urbanna, which position he 
held until ordered to be mustered out. 



ist Sergeant George Day entered service as Private, was promoted Corporal 
October i, '64 ; Sergeant, January i, '65 ; ist Sergeant, May 7, '65. 



ist Sergeant Timothy McGraw entered service as Private, reenlisted Januarj^ 
27, '64; was wounded at Deep Run, Va., August 16, '64; was promoted Corporal 
December i, '64 ; Sergeant, February i, '65, and ist Sergeant, June 12, '65. 



77 

Sergeant Ephraim Francis entered service as Corporal ; was promoted 
Sergeant March 28, '62. During the greater part of his term of service he was 
a victim of ill health, but his faithful care of the sick and his careful attention to 
the wants of the camp while the Company was on active duty at the front, en- 
deared him to all his comrades. 



Sergeant Gardiner E. Blake entered service as Private, was promoted 
Sergeant September 10, '62. While the regiment was at Fernandina, Fla., 
from June 5, '63, to Oct. 6, '63, he was Sergeant of the Provost- Guard. 

He was taken prisoner at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, '64; was taken 
to Petersburgh, before the Provost-Marshal, where he was robbed of all his 
valuables ; the following day he was sent to Charleston, S. C, and was put in 
the city jail, under fire of the Union guns on Morris Island, thence, via Savannah 
and Macon, to Andersonville Prison, where he was confined until the latter part 
of August. (We regret that we have no space for the description of the dead 
line, the scanty rations, the exposure and consequent suffering, disease and death 
at this prison). From Andersonville he went to the Race Course, two miles 
north of Charleston, S. C, where he remained three weeks, thence to Florence, 
S. C. Early in December he was paroled and sent to Annapolis, Md., via 
Savannah, Ga., where he received a thirty days furlough, from which he reported 
to Augusta, where he was discharged. 



Lieutenant Robert Brady, Jr. , entered service as Private ; was on detached 
service at Brigade Headquarters from August 20, '62, to March, '63 ; was promoted 
Sergeant January i, '63 ; reenlisted January 18, '64 ; was wounded in left 
shoulder at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, '64. Though wounded early in the 
thickest of the fight, he remained with the Company, assisting the new command- 
ing officer to rally the men on the new line, and only when quiet had been 
restored, did he consent to go to the rear to have his wound dressed. He w^as 
also wounded in left arm at Johnson's Plantation, on Darbytown Road, October 
29, '64. As Sergeant, he was frequentlj^ called upon during the Summer of '64 
for perilous service, scouting in front of our lines to obtain information, which 
service he performed to the entire satisfaction of the Regimental Commander. 
He was promoted I St Lieutenant of Company I December 18, '64. Lieutenant 
Brady commanded Company A from February 10, '65, to March 12, '65. While 
Captain Rolfe was on furlough, he commanded Company B during the Spring 
campaign of '65, and Company I from July i, '65, until mustered out. 

When the regiment was ordered to the N. E. District, of Va., he was 
assigned to duty as Provost-Marshal on the Staff of General Harris, later General 
Hill, and was especially charged with keeping the peace of the City of Fredericks- 
burgh, which duty he performed in an efficient manner. 



Sergeant Alphonzo C. Gowell entered service as Private ; reenlisted January 
4, '64, was promoted Corporal September 16, '64; Sergeant, January i, '65; 
was taken prisoner at Hatcher's Run, Va. , April i, '65. 



78 . 

Sergeant layman M. Bragdon entered service as Private ; was wounded at 
Morris Island, S. C, December 8, '63, by the explosion of a rebel shell which 
broke through the bombproof at the entrance to the Magazine of Battery 
Chatfield. He was promoted Corporal January i, '65, and Sergeant, April 18, 

'65. 

Sergeant Jeremiah Stratton entered service as Private. When the regiment 
left Gloucester Point, Va., for the Spring campaign of '64, he was detailed to 
guard and store surplus baggage, and while on the passage from Gloucester Point 
to Norfolk, near Fortress Monroe, May 6, '64, the transport collided with another 
steamer and sunk. Falling machinery attached to smoke-stack fell across his 
back and right hip, he was conveyed to hospital at Fortress Monroe, where he 
remained until about September i, when he rejoined his Company and regiment, 
then in front of Petersburgh, Va. Promoted Corporal February 5, '65 ; wounded 
at Hatcher's Run, Va., April 2, '65. Promoted Sergeant April 18, '65. 



Sergeant Daniel W. Woodbury entered service as Private, was wounded at 
Darbytown Road, Va., October 13, '64, was promoted Corporal April 18, '65, 
and Sergeant June 12, '65. 

Sergeant Frank E. Young entered service as Private, was promoted Corporal 
October 13, '65, Sergeant January i, '66. 



Corporal Richard W. Dawe was discharged for disability May 16, '62, at 
Washington, D. C. Reenlisted December 6, '63, in same Company; was wounded 
at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, '64, and was discharged by reason of wounds. 



Corporal Hughey G. Rideout, after leaving Company D reenlisted Private 
in Company A, 2d Maine Cavalry, November 30, '63, and died of disease August 
II, '64, while in service. 

Corporal Freeman R. Dakin was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, Va., May 
31, '62. Was a prisoner with Sergeants Brady, Bassett and others, until 
November, when he returned to the regiment at Yorktown, where he was 
discharged. After leaving the Eleventh he again entered service in Company 
F, 9th Maine Infantry ; was wounded in left arm afBermuda Hundred, Va., and 
in right elbow at Cold Harbor, Va. 



Corporal John Gihn entered service as Private ; was promoted Corporal May 
16, '62. 

Corporal I^eonard M. Witham entered service as Private ; was promoted 
Corporal May 16, '62. 



79 

Corporal Wm. B. Davis entered service as Private ; was promoted Corporal 
May i6, '62 ; was discharged for disability at New York, September 23, '62. 
Reenlisted in ist D. C. Cavalry ; was promoted Sergeant ; was taken prisoner 
September i, '64; was transferred to Company I, ist Maine Cavalry, and mustered 
out July 31, '65. 

Died at Insane Hospital, Augusta, Maine, April 20, '87. 



Corporal James E. Bailey entered service as Private ; was promoted Corporal 
September 15, '62 ; reenlisted January 4, '64; was wounded at Bermuda Hundred, 
Va., June 2, '64. Left arm amputated. 

Corporal Patrick Doherty entered service as Private ; was promoted Corporal 
September 15, '62. After leaving the Eleventh he reenlisted as Private in 
Company H, 30th Maine Infantry, January 6, '64 ; was taken prisoner at 
Pleasant Hill, Ea., April 9, '64 ; was exchanged and died in service at Bolivar 
Heights, September 16, '64, just 3 years after his first enlistment in the Eleventh. 



Corporal John Dyer entered service as Private ; was promoted Corporal 
October 3, '62. Was accidentally killed in a Shingle Mill, at Springfield, Me., 
May 23, '69. 

Corporal Horace Whittier entered service as Private; was promoted Corporal 
October 31, '62, and served on Color Guard ; was wounded in right breast, at 
New Market Road, Va., October 7, '64. Was discharged from hospital at Point- 
of-Rocks, Va. 

Corporal Shepard Whittier entered service as Private; was promoted Corporal 
October 31, '62, and served on Color Guard until October 16, '64, when he was 
detached for service at Portland, Me., where he was mustered out. 



Corporal Stephen R. Bearce entered service as Private, was promoted 
Corporal October 31, '62 ; was wounded by the explosion of a rebel shell which 
broke through the bombproof at the entrance to the Magazine of Battery 
Chatfield, Morris Island, S. C, December 8, '63; also wounded at Bermuda 
Hundred, Va., June 17, '64. ^ 

ist Sergeant Amaziah Hunter entered service as Private, was promoted 
Corporal March 27, '63 ; was commended in orders for volunteering for perilous 
service in front of the skirmish line, October 7, '64 ; was mustered out November 
18, '64, at expiration of term of service. Reenlisted ist Sergeant of Company I, 
December 16, '64; was taken prisoner at Appomattox, Va., April 9, '65, and 
mustered out June 30, '65. 

Corporal Wm. P. Weymouth entered service as Private ; was promoted 
Corporal May 30, '64; was slightly wounded at Deep Bottom, Va., August 14, 
'64, and after having his wound dressed refused to go to the rear, and returned 
to the front, where he was again wounded, from the effect of which he died at 
Fortress Monroe, Va., September 2, '64. 



So 

Corporal James B. Williams entered service as Private ; was promoted 
Corporal December i, '64. Was drowned by the sinking of a boat at South- West 
Harbor, Me., June 20, '81. 

Corporal Jotham S. Annis entered service as Private ; reenlisted January 4, 
'64; was wounded at Drury's Bluff, Va., May 14, '64; promoted Corporal 
October 13, '65. 

Musician Robert A. Strickland was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, Va., May 
31, '62; was a prisoner with Sergeants Brady, Bassett and others until November, 
'62. He was discharged for disability at Augusta, Me. 



Wagoner Henry W. Rider, after being discharged from the Eleventh Maine, 
reenlisted in Company B, ist Regiment, Maine Heavy Artillery, December 9, 
'63; was wounded at Spotsylvania, Va., May 19, '64. Died of wounds May 22, '64. 



Bolton, Sumner M., was wounded in right eye and taken prisoner at Bermuda 
Hundred, Va., June 2, '64. He was taken to Petersburgh, to Popperlane I,awn 
Hospital, but received no medical treatment, and lost his right eye ; thence to 
lyibby Prison. He was exchanged August 13, '64. 



Bragdon, Samuel A., was wounded at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, '64, 
and at Deep Bottom, Va., August 14, '64. 



Bryant, Martin V., was taken prisoner at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, 
'64 ; was confined at Andersonville, Ga. and various other places, in company 
with Sergeant Blake, until December, '64, when he was paroled and sent North. 



Butler, Alfred C, was wounded in three places at Deep Bottom, Va., August 
14, '64 ; right leg amputated, one arm totally disabled, the other badly wounded. 



Butler, George ly., was severely wounded at Bermuda Hundred, Va., in the 
night attack. May 17, '64, Died of wounds at Fortress Monroe, Va., May 20, '64. 



Cain, Henry H., was transferred to Veteran Reserve Corps, April i, '65. 



Collins, Josiah, after leaving the Eleventh reenlisted in Company I, i6th 
Maine Infantry ; was transferred to Company I, 20th Maine Infantry. Mustered 
out July 16, '65. 

Cross, Simon, after leaving the Eleventh reenlisted in Company H, ist Maine 
Cavalry, December 31, '63. Died in service at Bealton Station, Va., B'eb. 5, '64. 



Davis, Thomas A., was detached on Western gunboat service, February 17, 
'62, and served in the Mississippi squadron, was discharged '63. Reenlisted as 
Corporal in Companj^ ly, 2d Maine Cavalry, December 12, '63, and was killed in 
action at Marianna, Fla., September 27, '64. 



8i 
Gibbs, Elisha W., died at Eureka, Cal. 



Gray, Daniel, was not seen after the Battle of Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62. 
It is probable that when the Company fell back from the advanced position they 
at first occupied, he joined some other command, as did many others of the 
Company, and was killed and buried without being recognized. One of the 
unknown dead. 



Haegen, Ira B., was transferred to Vet. Res. Corps. April i, '64. 



House, Mathew P., was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62 ; was 
a prisoner with Sergeants Brady, Bassett and others until November, '62, when 
he returned to the regiment. He was mustered out at expiration of term of 
service. 



Hutchinson, Eleazer, after leaving the Eleventh Maine reenlisted in 
Company K, 17th Maine Infantrj-, August 28, '63 ; was wounded May 6, '64 ; 
was transferred to Company K, ist Maine Heavy Artillery, and discharged for 
disability, June 16, '65. 



Kelley, Eawrence, was taken prisoner at Bermuda Hundred, Va., June 2, 
'64. Died in Prison at Andersonville, Ga. 



Eaffin, Pierce, was wounded at Morris Island, S. C, December 25, '63, by a 
rebel shell striking a musket and throwing it against his left leg, the bayonet 
entering the leg some six inches below the knee and taking an upward course 
shattered the knee. 

Eane, Otis, Company cook, while carrying rations to the men employed in 
felling trees at Bermuda Hundred, Va., May 24, '64, was struck by a falling tree 
which broke his leg. He died at Biddeford, Me. 



Maddox, Greenlief, was wounded at Morris Island, S. C, December 8, '63, 
by the explosion of a rebel shell which broke through the bombproof at the 
entrance to the magazine of Battery Chatfield. 



Morrill, Charles F., after leaving service settled in Pittsfield, Me. He was 
killed by being caught in a balance wheel while sawing wood with a horse 
power at Detroit, Me., April 6, '82. 



82 

Philbrook, David C, after leaving the Eleventh reenlisted August 13, '63, 
private in Company A, 3d Me. Infantry. He was wounded and taken prisoner 
at Spotsylvania, Va., May 5, '64. At the muster out of the 3d Me., June 4, '64, 
he was transferred to Company F, 17th Me. and at the muster out of the 17th, 
June 4, '65, was transferred to the ist Me. H. A. His death in prison at 
Andersonville, Ga., August, 64, is asserted by a fellow prisoner, Mr. Oscar 
Thomas, of lyee. Me. 

Sherman, Moses E., was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62 ; was 
a prisoner with Sergeants Brady, Bassett and others until November, '62, when 
he returned to the regiment. Reenlisted January 4, '64 ; wounded at Bermuda 
Hundred, Va., June 2, '64. Killed at Appomattox, Va., April 9, '65. 



Sherman, William, was taken prisoner at Fair Oaks, Va., May 31, '62 ; was 
a prisoner with Sergeants Brady, Bassett and others until November, '62, when 
he returned to the regiment. Reenlisted January 4, '64 ; wounded at Deep 
Bottom, Va., August 14, '64, and died of wounds at Fortress Monroe, Va., 
September i, '64. 

Woodman, Hiram A., was transferred to Vet. Res. Corps, September i, '63, 
retransferred to Company D, nth Me. early in 1864, and served until expiration 
of his term of service. Was commended in orders for volunteering for perilous 
service in front of the skirmish line October 7, '64, after the term of his 
enlistment had expired. 




The record of those on roll of D at Muster-out of regiment tcos : 

Killed, - - - . . 8 

Died of Wounds, - - . . s 

Died of Disease, - - - - -2 

Discharged Wounded, - - - - 10 

Discharged for other Disability, - - 55 

Discharged by order, - ... 2 

Transferred, - - - . j 

Resigned, - ' " " - 5 

Deserted, - - - - - 4 

Mustered Out, - • - - - 6-^, 

In Service, - . . . 26 



214 



Of the 211 on the roll of D, ive have the 

P. O. Address of - - - - no 

Died in Service, - . _ _ ^^g 

Died since leaving the Eleventh, " ■ 33 

Deserted, . . . . . ^ 

Unaccounted for, - - - - 19 

214 



Information received after printitig Roster. 

ADDRESSES : 

Corporal John Sherman, . _ - Rockville, Canada. 

Corporal John Gihn, . . - Tawas City, Mich. 

Corporal James E. Dow, alias C. I,. Farnsworth, - Jonesport, Me. 

DEATHS : 

Corporal Alphonzo O. Donnell, Died Nov. 21, '83, at Big Rapids, Mich. 
Private Thomas R. Blaine, _ . . _ Died. 



Error in Roster. 
Curtis, John F., printed John T. 



H 1,22 80 



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